Extended Abstract
Introduction: The relationship between religion—represented by Al-Azhar in the era of President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi constitutes a central and enduring theme in Political Science and political thought, particularly within Muslim-majority societies. This relationship has played a critical role in shaping the configuration and evolution of contemporary political and ideological currents.Al-Azhar as one of the oldest and most authoritative religious, academic, and historical institutions in the Islamic world, has exerted substantial influence over the production of ideas, belief systems, and socio-political transformations within Egypt, and at times across the broader region. Since the era of Gamal Abdel Nasser the role of Al-Azhar has undergone notable fluctuations, which can be analytically conceptualized as a sinusoidal pattern encompassing phases of cooperation, accommodation, silence, and confrontation with the state.These fluctuations are attributable, in part, to the institutional interests of Al-Azhar and, more importantly, to the varying degree of its autonomy vis-à-vis the state. Legal and constitutional frameworks—particularly Article 4 of the 2012 Constitution, Article 7 of the 2014 Constitution, and Law No. 103 of 1961—have functioned as key intervening variables shaping this relationship. Within this analytical framework, the Egyptian state is conceptualized as the independent variable, while the level of institutional autonomy of Al-Azhar constitutes the dependent variable.The central research question of this study is as follows: What role has Al-Azhar played in the political transformations of the Sisi era? More specifically, has the institution adopted a passive and indifferent stance, aligned itself with state policies, or engaged in a critical approach by challenging the laws, positions, and political practices of the Sisi administration? The authors seek to examine the nature of Al-Azhar–state relations and their implications, while also analyzing the broader political transformations of this period and exploring the factors underlying the societal acceptance and legitimacy of military rule in Egypt.
Methodology: This study employs a qualitative research design, drawing upon library-based data collection, semi-structured interviews and discussions with subject-matter experts, and qualitative content analysis of relevant texts, documents, and legal sources.

Conclusion: The findings indicate that Al-Azhar’s interpretation of religion–state relations is grounded in a framework of “relative expediency” (maslaha), shaped by both institutional interests and the broader traditions of Sunni political thought. Within this framework, the role and positioning of Al-Azhar in relation to the Sisi government have not been fixed; rather, they have fluctuated between cooperation, strategic silence, and selective criticism.The relationship between Al-Azhar and the government of Abdel Fattah El-Sisi can be conceptualized as a sinusoidal pattern characterized by cycles of cooperation, alignment, silence, and confrontation. Across different phases of Sisi’s rule, these patterns have varied in intensity and form; however, they ultimately converge toward a relatively coherent and stable trajectory of institutional cooperation and strategic alignment. Within this analytical configuration, Al-Azhar is conceptualized as the dependent variable, while the Egyptian state functions as the independent variable shaping the dynamics of interaction.Empirically, several key episodes illustrate this fluctuating relationship. One notable instance is the institutional confrontation over the issue of oral divorce, which reflects a broader epistemological and normative tension between tradition and modernity within Islamic jurisprudence. Another dimension is the period of strategic silence, particularly in the context of military dominance and the consolidation of the so-called “deep state,” where the Egyptian armed forces exercise extensive influence over multiple sectors, including agriculture, aviation, and maritime affairs. In contrast, periods of cooperation are most evident in joint state–religious initiatives aimed at combating extremism and promoting a discourse of religious moderation