نه به پترنالیسم؛ نه به دموکراسی: از نظریه سیاسی فارابی تا نظریه سیاسی جمهوری اسلامی

Introduction: Despite the importance of the political theory of the Islamic Republic, its Islamic and republican dimensions, as well as the position of the people, the Wali al-Faqih and governing institutions, still require a precise theoretical explanation. The lack of such a foundation may produce divergent interpretations of governance. Islamic political philosophy, especially al-Farabi’s felicity-oriented thought, offers a useful and valuable framework for re-examining political models in Islamic societies. Therefore, this article compares al-Farabi’s political theory with the political theory of the Islamic Republic in order to clarify its indicators, dimensions, and foundations, with special emphasis on the role of the people.

Method: This study uses a documentary-library method for data collection and a descriptive-analytical method with a comparative approach for analysis. First, the main components of al-Farabi’s political theory are extracted from his works and reliable scholarly sources. These components are then compared with the theoretical foundations of the Islamic Republic of Iran, especially regarding the relationship between Islamism and republicanism, the role of the people, and their relation to the Wali al-Faqih. Through conceptual analysis and structural comparison, the study seeks to present a clearer and more coherent model for explaining the political theory of the Islamic Republic.

Results and Discussion: Al-Farabi, as a major Islamic philosopher and theorist of the virtuous city, seriously addressed the role of the people in political life. By proposing the theory of social cooperation, he regarded government as serving the people and their perfection, rather than viewing the people as serving government. In this respect, his theory distances itself from classical paternalism. At the same time, he rejected democracy as a form of the ignorant city and considered it rooted in irrational desires. His description of the democratic city resembles modern liberal-democratic societies: people are free and equal, no one has superiority over another, desires are diverse, and society contains many different groups. In such a city, the ruler is chosen according to the will of the people, who consider his position dependent on their selection.

The Islamic Republic also seeks to combine divine sovereignty with the people’s role in government. On the one hand, it emphasizes Islamic authority through the theory of Wilayat al-Faqih, which may bring it close to paternalism. On the other hand, by stressing the people’s participation and authority in the realization of government, it moves away from paternalistic models. However, it does not define its republican dimension as borrowed from modern democracy, but as rooted in Islamic teachings and Qur’anic principles, such as “He believes in Allah and believes the believers” (Qur’an 9:61). In this framework, the people are not merely symbolic; rather, they form the basis for the exercise of political legitimacy. Thus, this theory differs from interpretations such as “acceptance–legitimacy” or “ummah–imamate.”

Conclusion: The article argues that al-Farabi’s political theory is close to the political theory of the Islamic Republic. This theory is compatible neither with paternalism nor with modern democracy. Rather, it represents an independent model that may be called people-centered divine sovereignty .