Transnationalization as a Discourse and Oppositional Strategy in Türkiye's Competitive Authoritarian Regime

Document Type : Original Article

Authors

1 Department: Islamic Revolution, Faculty: Faculty of Theology and Islamic Studies, University of Tehran, Iran

2 Department: West Asian & North African Studies, University of Tehran, Iran.

Abstract

Introduction/ Background/ Aim: Despite the growing body of literature on the advancement of authoritarian tactics and tools in competitive authoritarian regimes, we still lack sufficient knowledge about the discourses and strategies that the opposition creates and uses against populist-authoritarian governments. With the case study of Turkey, this article introduces "transnationalization" as one of the innovative discourses and strategies based on which the opposition bloc succeeds in exploiting its tactics and tools in order to maintain its political position in the political arena. And it has become an identity. Introducing the governance methods and techniques of authoritarian regimes is one of the other goals.

Method and theoretical framework:The method of this research is based on qualitative research with the approach of "process tracing" technique. The content of this research is based on documentary-library sources and analysis of Twitter accounts and is presented in the form of the theoretical framework of "transnationalization".

Discussion and/or Results: Transnationalization is defined as a discourse and strategy through which local leaders under the leadership of the opposition change local and global boundaries by creating a conscious link with the liberal-democratic world to expand their space for maneuver. Based on this, the question that is raised is that the opposition bloc of Turkey, focusing on the performance of the mayor of Istanbul, uses which methods and mechanisms to operationalize the discourse and strategy of transnationalization? The answer to this question, which was mostly obtained by analyzing the content of the international Twitter accounts of the mayor of Istanbul, seems that the municipality of Istanbul, in order to maintain its position and credit the political nature of the opposition bloc and to deal with the political threats of the ruling structure, uses material and symbolic tools. And this political strategy and rational and normative motivations have been exploited to the maximum and successfully.

Conclusion: Based on the study of the situation in Turkey, which is considered an example of competitive authoritarian regimes, transnationalization as a discourse and strategy of opposition struggle has been implemented by the municipal institution under the leadership of the opposition bloc (independent variable). Is. So that the mayor of Istanbul belonging to the opposition bloc became a transnational identity materially, symbolically and politically through establishing international relations, showing commitment to global and liberal norms and increasing his agency over foreign policy programs. (The dependent variable) Also, this research highlights the role of international and global forces in supporting democracy and how they can provide effective assistance to democratic agents in authoritarian regimes. As conventional efforts to promote democracy have generated backlash and strong anti-Western sentiments in many countries, international democratic forces no longer have the power or desire to engage in democracy promotion, competing authoritarian leaders like Erdogan in Turkey, a long-standing tradition. They inflame nationalist sentiments by accusing the opposition forces of being in alliance with international "enemies". Nevertheless, this article showed that in Turkey, local leaders under the leadership of the opposition struggled to establish a link with the West as a result of their rational and normative motivations and were in dire need of support from international institutions. Through the symbolic, material, and political means of transnationalization, the mayor of Istanbul aimed to build international credibility and enhance his ability to govern, which is especially important when opposition-controlled municipalities are subject to central government discrimination.

Keywords


Adler-Nissen R and Zarakol A (2021), “Struggles for Recognition: The Liberal International Order and the Merger of Its Discontents”. International Organization 75(2), 611–634. https://doi.org/10.1017/ S0020818320000454. Ayan Musil, Pelin & Yardımcı-Geyikçi, Şebnem (2024), “Trensnationalization of Opposition Stratagy under Competitive Authoritarianism: Evidence from Turkey and Hungary”. Governmental and Opposition (2024), 59/ 341-359. BBC Türkçe (2022), Soylu: ‘İstanbul Büyükşehir Belediyesinde Işe Alınan 1668 Kişinin Veya Yakınının Terör Ile Bağlantısı Var’. 26 November, www.bbc.com/turkce/articles/c4n22zrzl8no. Bashirieh, Hossein, (2008), Transition to Democracy, Contemporary View, Volume One, Third Edition, Tehran: Contemporary View Publications. ]In Persian[. Bermeo N (2016), “On Democratic Backsliding”. Journal of Democracy 27(1), 5–19. http://doi.org/10.1353/ jod.2016.0012. Boese VA et al. (2022), “State of the World 2021: Autocratization Changing Its Nature?” Democratization 29 (6), 983–1013. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2022.2069751. Carothers C (2018), “The Surprising Instability of Competitive Authoritarianism”. Journal of Democracy 29 (4), 129–135. http://doi.org/10.1353/JOD.2018.0068. Cumhuriyet (2021), “İmamoğlu’nun Bulduğu Kredi 9 Aydır Erdoğan’ın Onayını Bekliyor”. 27 August, www. cumhuriyet.com.tr/haber/imamoglunun-buldugu-kredi-9-aydir-erdoganin-onayini-bekliyor-1864072. Davenport C and Armstrong II DA (2004), “Democracy and the Violation of Human Rights: A Statistical Analysis from 1976 to 1996.” American Journal of Political Science 48(3), 538–554. https://doi.org/10. 2307/1519915. David Collier, University of California, Berkeley, (2011), ps: “political science and politics”. 44/No.4:823-30 Escribà-Folch A (2013), “Repression, Political Threats, and Survival under Autocracy.” International Political Science Review 34(5), 543–560. https://doi.org/10.1177/0192512113488259. Esen B and Gümüşçü Ş (2019), “Killing Competitive Authoritarianism Softly: The 2019 Local Elections in Turkey”. South European Society and Politics 24(3), 317–342. https://doi.org/10.1080/13608746.2019.1691318. Farole SA (2021), “Eroding Support from Below: Performance in Local Government and Opposition Party Growth in South Africa.” Government and Opposition: An International Journal of Comparative Politics 56(3), 525–544. https://doi.org/10.1017/gov.2020.7. Fazeli, Mohammad (2010), Structural foundations of democracy consolidation. (experience of democracy in Iran, Turkey and South Korea), Tehran: Kandokav.]In Persian[. Ghazizadeh, Hassan (2018), Transitions to Democracy, Publications: Akhtran, Tehran.]In Persian[. Göbel, Christian (2012), ”Semiauthoritarianism”. University of North Texas, SAGE. Reference. Hadenius, Axel and Teorell, Jan (2007) “Pathways From Authoritarianism”. Journal of Democracy; Vol.18.1. Kasleder, Rozalia (2011), “Semi-authoritarianism:the case study of Ethiopia”; Published 1 April 2011\Political Science, Sociology /Corpus ID: 154128397 Levitsky S and Way LA (2010), Competitive Authoritarianism: Hybrid Regimes after the Cold War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Levitsky S and Ziblatt D (2018), How Democracies Die. London: Penguin Books. Levitsky, S., & Way, L. A. (2002), “The rise of competitive author itarianism”. Journal of Democracy, 13(2), 51 65. -Lucardi A (2016), “Building Support from Below? Subnational Elections, Diffusion Effects, and the Growth of the Opposition in Mexico", 1984–2000.” Comparative Political Studies 49(14), 1855–1895. https://doi. org/10.1177/00104140166668. McCoy J and Somer M (2021), “Overcoming Polarization”. Journal of Democracy 31(1), 6–21. http://doi.org/ 10.1353/jod.2021.0012. Mudde C and Kaltwasser CR (2017), “Populism: A Very Short Introduction”. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Orenstein MA and Schmitz H-P (2006), “The New Transnationalism and Comparative Politics”. Comparative Politics 38(4), 479–500. https://doi.org/10.2307/20434013. Ottaway, Marina (2003), Democracy Challenged: The Rise of Semi-Authoritarianism. Translator: Saeed Mirtrabi, Qoms Publishing House, Tehran.]In Persian[. Sadeghian, Hassan (2021), The process of democratization in Türkiye and the obstacles to consolidation in the Justice and Development Party government. Publications of sociologists. Tehran.]In Persian[. Somer, M (2019), “Turkey: The Slippery Slope from Reformist to Revolutionary Polarization and Democratic Breakdown”. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681(1), 42–61. https://doi. org/10.1177/00027162188180. Sözcü (2019), “İmamoğlu: Kamu Bankalarının Kapıları İBB’ye Kapatıldı.” 29 November, www.sozcu.com.tr/ 2019/gundem/imamoglu-kamu-bankalarinin-kapilari-ibbye-kapatildi-5469954/. Sözcü (2020), “İBB’nin Bağış Kampanyası Için Açtığı Banka Hesapları Bloke Edildi.” 31 March, www.sozcu. com.tr/2020/gundem/ibbnin-bagis-kampanyasi-icin-actigi-banka-hesaplari-bloke-edildi-5716081/. Strauss, Anselm, Corbin, Juliet (2011), Basics of Qualitative Research (Techniques and Stages of Grounded Theory Production), Translator: Ebrahim Afshar, Publisher: Ney, Tehran. ]In Persian[. Taliban, Mohammad Reza (2008), “A reflection on the technique of "process tracing" in the Studies Islamic Revolution”, Metin Scientific-Research Quarterly, No. 40. ]In Persian[. Tepe S and Alemdaroğlu A (2021), “How Authoritarians Win When They Lose”. Journal of Democracy 32 (4), 87–101. http://doi.org/10.1353/jod.2021.0054. Vegetti F (2019), “The Political Nature of Ideological Polarization: The Case of Hungary”. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681(1), 78–96. https://doi.org/10.1177/ 0002716218813895. Welzel C (2021), “Democratic Horizons: What Value Change Reveals about the Future of Democracy”. Democratization 28(5), 992–1016. https://doi.org/10.1080/13510347.2021.1883001. Yabanci B (2023), “At the Intersections of Populism, Nationalism and Islam: Justice and Development Party and Populist Reconfiguration of Religion in Politics”. British Journal of Middle Eastern Studies 50(2), 351–375. https://doi.org/10.1080/13530194.2021.1972794.