Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 09 23 Nostalgia Against Modernity: The Synergy Between Fardid's Discourse and the Rural-Oriented Movement in Iran During the 1960s and 1970s Nostalgia Against Modernity: The Synergy Between Fardid's Discourse and the Rural-Oriented Movement in Iran During the 1960s and 1970s 1 24 105961 10.48308/piaj.2025.239592.1678 FA Mohammadreza Salehi Vasigh PhD Candidate in Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran 0000-0002-1157-6326 Seyed Mahdi SadatiNejad Assistant Professor of Political Science, University of Tehran, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Tehran, 0000-0002-4802-0735 Journal Article 2025 04 21 Introduction: Modernity in the Iranian cultural context is a phenomenon that requires a multifaceted and interdisciplinary approach for its profound understanding. The 1960s and 1970s (40s and 50s in the Iranian solar calendar) represent a critical period in contemporary Iranian history, during which the Pahlavi modernization project, with unprecedented rapidity, transformed traditional social, economic, and cultural structures. During this era, two distinct yet interconnected intellectual-cultural movements emerged: first, Fardid's critical discourse with a philosophical approach to Westoxification (Gharbzadegi), and second, the nostalgic rural movement that manifested in art, literature, and cinema. The main research question is: how did these two different yet aligned discourses, through their interaction, present a critical reading of modernity in Iran's cultural sphere? The central hypothesis posits that rural nostalgia and philosophical critique of modernity, in interaction with each other, provided a strategy for cultural resistance and redefinition of social identity. Methods: Employing an interdisciplinary approach, this research utilizes Marshall Berman's theoretical framework on "the experience of modernity" and Raymond Williams' concept of "pastoral modernity." Through a combination of critical discourse analysis and cultural studies, it conducts an intertextual reading of cultural products from the 1960s and 1970s. The research data encompasses four main areas: literature (works by Al-Ahmad, Saedi, Dowlatabadi, and Darvishian), cinema (Iranian New Wave films), music (songs by Dariush, Mehrad, and Ebi), and poetry (works by Shamloo, Kasraei, Farrokhzad, and Behbahani). In the analysis, the method of textual analysis and the technique of case study examination of works have been employed Results and Discussion: Results demonstrate that the cultural products studied functioned beyond mere aesthetic purposes, serving as mediators between elite critical theory and people's lived experiences. These works translated abstract concepts from Fardid's philosophy into tangible language, creating an "intertextual space of resistance." Unlike Williams' model, in Iran, the rural became a metaphor for resistance and authenticity. The findings revealed the formation of a "coherent semantic network" in the culture of this period that highlighted values of "loyalty," "chivalry," and "self-sacrifice" against modern values. Analysis of heroic figures shows that in Iran, these characters represented resistance against identity dissolution rather than serving as mediators. When encountering cultural products of this period, Iranian audiences faced a unified paradigm conveying a similar message: imposed modernity had led to an identity crisis. Conclusion: The research demonstrates that the convergence of Fardid's discourse with rural nostalgia had an internal necessity. Fardid's thought provided the theoretical foundation for rural nostalgia, while rural nostalgia, by embodying this critique in artistic forms, gave social depth to Fardid's discourse. This synergy can be explained on two levels: epistemologically, this movement engaged in "critical indigenization" of modernity; ontologically, by reviving "the sacred" through rural nostalgia, it addressed the gap between "Iranian Dasein" and the modern world. What made this movement influential was its ability to "translate collective sentiment"—an ability achieved through creating a multilayered language accessible to the general public. This shared language laid the groundwork for political action that manifested in the Islamic Revolution—a revolution that can be understood as a metaphor for the confrontation between "resistance nostalgia" and "the experience of modernity." This research invites heirs of this intellectual legacy to reflect on a crucial question: Can nostalgia alone serve as a roadmap for the future? Introduction: Modernity in the Iranian cultural context is a phenomenon that requires a multifaceted and interdisciplinary approach for its profound understanding. The 1960s and 1970s (40s and 50s in the Iranian solar calendar) represent a critical period in contemporary Iranian history, during which the Pahlavi modernization project, with unprecedented rapidity, transformed traditional social, economic, and cultural structures. During this era, two distinct yet interconnected intellectual-cultural movements emerged: first, Fardid's critical discourse with a philosophical approach to Westoxification (Gharbzadegi), and second, the nostalgic rural movement that manifested in art, literature, and cinema. The main research question is: how did these two different yet aligned discourses, through their interaction, present a critical reading of modernity in Iran's cultural sphere? The central hypothesis posits that rural nostalgia and philosophical critique of modernity, in interaction with each other, provided a strategy for cultural resistance and redefinition of social identity. Methods: Employing an interdisciplinary approach, this research utilizes Marshall Berman's theoretical framework on "the experience of modernity" and Raymond Williams' concept of "pastoral modernity." Through a combination of critical discourse analysis and cultural studies, it conducts an intertextual reading of cultural products from the 1960s and 1970s. The research data encompasses four main areas: literature (works by Al-Ahmad, Saedi, Dowlatabadi, and Darvishian), cinema (Iranian New Wave films), music (songs by Dariush, Mehrad, and Ebi), and poetry (works by Shamloo, Kasraei, Farrokhzad, and Behbahani). In the analysis, the method of textual analysis and the technique of case study examination of works have been employed Results and Discussion: Results demonstrate that the cultural products studied functioned beyond mere aesthetic purposes, serving as mediators between elite critical theory and people's lived experiences. These works translated abstract concepts from Fardid's philosophy into tangible language, creating an "intertextual space of resistance." Unlike Williams' model, in Iran, the rural became a metaphor for resistance and authenticity. The findings revealed the formation of a "coherent semantic network" in the culture of this period that highlighted values of "loyalty," "chivalry," and "self-sacrifice" against modern values. Analysis of heroic figures shows that in Iran, these characters represented resistance against identity dissolution rather than serving as mediators. When encountering cultural products of this period, Iranian audiences faced a unified paradigm conveying a similar message: imposed modernity had led to an identity crisis. Conclusion: The research demonstrates that the convergence of Fardid's discourse with rural nostalgia had an internal necessity. Fardid's thought provided the theoretical foundation for rural nostalgia, while rural nostalgia, by embodying this critique in artistic forms, gave social depth to Fardid's discourse. This synergy can be explained on two levels: epistemologically, this movement engaged in "critical indigenization" of modernity; ontologically, by reviving "the sacred" through rural nostalgia, it addressed the gap between "Iranian Dasein" and the modern world. What made this movement influential was its ability to "translate collective sentiment"—an ability achieved through creating a multilayered language accessible to the general public. This shared language laid the groundwork for political action that manifested in the Islamic Revolution—a revolution that can be understood as a metaphor for the confrontation between "resistance nostalgia" and "the experience of modernity." This research invites heirs of this intellectual legacy to reflect on a crucial question: Can nostalgia alone serve as a roadmap for the future?

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105961_db8a30bccff2a2b498ed367f4369df71.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 09 23 Understanding Governance-Related Developments in Times of Crisis: An Analytical Framework Understanding Governance-Related Developments in Times of Crisis: An Analytical Framework 25 42 106222 10.48308/piaj.2025.240333.1702 FA Reza Khorasani Assistant Professor, in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University,Tehran, Iran. 0000-0002-8468-3229 Ali Kazemi Tame PhD Candidate in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran. 0009-0007-1208-0940 Journal Article 2025 06 07 Extended Abstract Introduction: Throughout history, crises have often served as catalysts for profound social transformations. One of the areas most affected by crises is governance at the national level. Examining how crises impact governance—and how they drive transformations in governing structures—is therefore a crucial task. This provides a strong justification for constructing an analytical framework to study the effects of crises on governance. Existing scholarship on crisis-induced change has typically focused on specific aspects of the political, economic, or cultural domains. Such works tend to examine how large-scale crises affect narrower segments of society. Research directly related to governance has often been limited to assessing the quantitative and qualitative role of the state, while society and the private sector have either been marginalized or excluded from consideration within a broader governance framework. Furthermore, some recent studies have relied heavily on quantitative approaches, which, while useful, can sometimes be misleading. As a result, no comprehensive analytical or conceptual framework has yet been developed to fully understand the impact of crises on governance at the national level. Accordingly, this study seeks to propose an appropriate analytical model for examining governance-related changes under conditions of crisis. Method: Given the breadth of the concept of governance and the interwoven nature of its relationships, this study adopts a critical-normative approach as the most effective means of analyzing governance-related transformations brought about by crises. This approach, in addition to being problem-oriented, seeks to avoid the limitations of purely explanatory or interpretive perspectives, while still benefiting from their insights. The article employs a comparative method to analyze governance both before and after crises, within the framework of the critical-normative approach and in light of the defining characteristics of governance. Discussion and Findings: The concept of crisis is analyzed in multiple dimensions. Governance, in its broadest sense, is defined here as the issuing and implementation of rulings, encompassing the interactions of the three main pillars: society, government, and the market. These pillars and their interrelationships provide the foundation for five proposed models of governance: 1) Authoritarian governance; 2) Capitalist governance; 3) Democratic governance; 4) Balanced governance; 5) The impossibility of governance. On the basis of these models, an analytical framework for understanding governance under conditions of crisis is presented. The findings suggest that the position of society, government, and the market in the processes of issuing and implementing rulings reflects the state of governance at any given time. Understanding how the position of each pillar shifts—or how the interpretation and application of rulings change within different practical frameworks—offers a pathway to analyzing governance transformations under crisis conditions. Importantly, not all observed changes during crises should automatically be attributed to the crises themselves. Instead, it is essential to investigate how crises contribute to altering the roles of society, government, and the market within governance, situating these developments within broader historical processes. This approach allows clearer distinctions to be drawn between destabilizing and stabilizing variables, thereby clarifying the specific role crises play in governance-related transformations. Conclusion: It is possible to analyze the performance of governance pillars—and their transformations under crisis—through both the issuance and implementation of laws, as well as resistance to them. However, it must also be acknowledged that the actors and resources associated with the three pillars (society, government, and market) interact in complex ways, shaping their influence on governance outcomes. Extended Abstract Introduction: Throughout history, crises have often served as catalysts for profound social transformations. One of the areas most affected by crises is governance at the national level. Examining how crises impact governance—and how they drive transformations in governing structures—is therefore a crucial task. This provides a strong justification for constructing an analytical framework to study the effects of crises on governance. Existing scholarship on crisis-induced change has typically focused on specific aspects of the political, economic, or cultural domains. Such works tend to examine how large-scale crises affect narrower segments of society. Research directly related to governance has often been limited to assessing the quantitative and qualitative role of the state, while society and the private sector have either been marginalized or excluded from consideration within a broader governance framework. Furthermore, some recent studies have relied heavily on quantitative approaches, which, while useful, can sometimes be misleading. As a result, no comprehensive analytical or conceptual framework has yet been developed to fully understand the impact of crises on governance at the national level. Accordingly, this study seeks to propose an appropriate analytical model for examining governance-related changes under conditions of crisis. Method: Given the breadth of the concept of governance and the interwoven nature of its relationships, this study adopts a critical-normative approach as the most effective means of analyzing governance-related transformations brought about by crises. This approach, in addition to being problem-oriented, seeks to avoid the limitations of purely explanatory or interpretive perspectives, while still benefiting from their insights. The article employs a comparative method to analyze governance both before and after crises, within the framework of the critical-normative approach and in light of the defining characteristics of governance. Discussion and Findings: The concept of crisis is analyzed in multiple dimensions. Governance, in its broadest sense, is defined here as the issuing and implementation of rulings, encompassing the interactions of the three main pillars: society, government, and the market. These pillars and their interrelationships provide the foundation for five proposed models of governance: 1) Authoritarian governance; 2) Capitalist governance; 3) Democratic governance; 4) Balanced governance; 5) The impossibility of governance. On the basis of these models, an analytical framework for understanding governance under conditions of crisis is presented. The findings suggest that the position of society, government, and the market in the processes of issuing and implementing rulings reflects the state of governance at any given time. Understanding how the position of each pillar shifts—or how the interpretation and application of rulings change within different practical frameworks—offers a pathway to analyzing governance transformations under crisis conditions. Importantly, not all observed changes during crises should automatically be attributed to the crises themselves. Instead, it is essential to investigate how crises contribute to altering the roles of society, government, and the market within governance, situating these developments within broader historical processes. This approach allows clearer distinctions to be drawn between destabilizing and stabilizing variables, thereby clarifying the specific role crises play in governance-related transformations. Conclusion: It is possible to analyze the performance of governance pillars—and their transformations under crisis—through both the issuance and implementation of laws, as well as resistance to them. However, it must also be acknowledged that the actors and resources associated with the three pillars (society, government, and market) interact in complex ways, shaping their influence on governance outcomes.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106222_93afab528f766cb76bb911671b0f98c4.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 09 23 Conceptualizing the Strategic Rationality of Leadership in the Development Process: Lessons from the Asian Experience Conceptualizing the Strategic Rationality of Leadership in the Development Process: Lessons from the Asian Experience 43 64 106224 10.48308/piaj.2025.240413.1710 FA Fariborz Arghavani Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran. 0000-0002-6180-7751 Siroos Bonyadi Ph D Candidate in Political Science, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran. 0009-0001-1065-4441 Journal Article 2025 06 14 Introduction: After World War II, growth and development were considered essential goals of every country. Therefore, it is undoubtedly of great importance to understand the reasons for these changes and also to recognize the secrets of a country's growth, development, and progress. Development and leadership are so intertwined that it is difficult to imagine a human group or even a government without a leader. When we discuss leadership, our thoughts often turn to those who are at the helm of an organization, group, or government, as it is these leaders who can bring about significant changes. Therefore, understanding the reasons for the development and progress of these countries is undoubtedly unthinkable without paying attention to the role of leaders and their strategic rationality, which was evident in the midst of difficult circumstances. With this introduction, the purpose of this article is to answer the question: By considering the role of leaders in the development process of various countries, especially those in East Asia, can the concept of strategic rationality of leadership be used to explain the development of these countries? Moreover, if the answer is yes, what are the components of this strategic rationality of leadership? The article examines the hypothesis that the development that has occurred in many countries, including East Asian countries, at least in the last half-century, was due to the strategic rationality of the leaders of these countries. Method: To examine this hypothesis, this article attempts to identify indicators of strategic rationality in leadership through the analysis and interpretation of speeches, biographies, documents, and other works related to leaders. Therefore, by studying these texts, an attempt is made to identify and index the leading indicators and components of the concept of strategic rationality of leadership as a key concept in unraveling the mystery of the development of these countries as much as possible. Results and Discussion: Considering the development experiences of some countries over the past few decades, especially those of East Asian countries, despite their different development paths and cultural, political, and historical differences, what attracts the most attention is the role of their leaders in the development and progress of their countries. This role is so prominent and important that the development of each of these countries is closely tied to the name of its political leadership. Therefore, the common thread and constant foundation for the development of all these countries is the existence of leaders who paved the way for their development by adopting appropriate policies. The findings of this research indicate that recent development experiences in East Asian countries, in particular, are primarily attributed to leaders who, through their strategic rationality, have paved the way for development. Strategic rationality can be characterized by indicators such as limited imagination versus unlimited imagination, political tragic thinking, building trust, using valid theories, prioritizing issues, matching the problem to the solution, a sense of responsibility, relying on reality as the guiding light of policy, pragmatism, and creating self-correcting mechanisms. Conclusion: The secret to success and the key indicator of these leaders can be summarized in the concept of strategic leadership rationality. Suppose we pay attention to the role of leaders in the development path of East Asian countries, to conceptualize strategic leadership rationality. In that case, we are compelled to scientifically and practically explain and interpret its indicators and components. Although strategic leadership rationality cannot be considered limited to these characteristics and indicators, it can serve as a starting point for leaders to learn from the experiences of their successful peers and open the door for further academic discussions on this concept. Introduction: After World War II, growth and development were considered essential goals of every country. Therefore, it is undoubtedly of great importance to understand the reasons for these changes and also to recognize the secrets of a country's growth, development, and progress. Development and leadership are so intertwined that it is difficult to imagine a human group or even a government without a leader. When we discuss leadership, our thoughts often turn to those who are at the helm of an organization, group, or government, as it is these leaders who can bring about significant changes. Therefore, understanding the reasons for the development and progress of these countries is undoubtedly unthinkable without paying attention to the role of leaders and their strategic rationality, which was evident in the midst of difficult circumstances. With this introduction, the purpose of this article is to answer the question: By considering the role of leaders in the development process of various countries, especially those in East Asia, can the concept of strategic rationality of leadership be used to explain the development of these countries? Moreover, if the answer is yes, what are the components of this strategic rationality of leadership? The article examines the hypothesis that the development that has occurred in many countries, including East Asian countries, at least in the last half-century, was due to the strategic rationality of the leaders of these countries. Method: To examine this hypothesis, this article attempts to identify indicators of strategic rationality in leadership through the analysis and interpretation of speeches, biographies, documents, and other works related to leaders. Therefore, by studying these texts, an attempt is made to identify and index the leading indicators and components of the concept of strategic rationality of leadership as a key concept in unraveling the mystery of the development of these countries as much as possible. Results and Discussion: Considering the development experiences of some countries over the past few decades, especially those of East Asian countries, despite their different development paths and cultural, political, and historical differences, what attracts the most attention is the role of their leaders in the development and progress of their countries. This role is so prominent and important that the development of each of these countries is closely tied to the name of its political leadership. Therefore, the common thread and constant foundation for the development of all these countries is the existence of leaders who paved the way for their development by adopting appropriate policies. The findings of this research indicate that recent development experiences in East Asian countries, in particular, are primarily attributed to leaders who, through their strategic rationality, have paved the way for development. Strategic rationality can be characterized by indicators such as limited imagination versus unlimited imagination, political tragic thinking, building trust, using valid theories, prioritizing issues, matching the problem to the solution, a sense of responsibility, relying on reality as the guiding light of policy, pragmatism, and creating self-correcting mechanisms. Conclusion: The secret to success and the key indicator of these leaders can be summarized in the concept of strategic leadership rationality. Suppose we pay attention to the role of leaders in the development path of East Asian countries, to conceptualize strategic leadership rationality. In that case, we are compelled to scientifically and practically explain and interpret its indicators and components. Although strategic leadership rationality cannot be considered limited to these characteristics and indicators, it can serve as a starting point for leaders to learn from the experiences of their successful peers and open the door for further academic discussions on this concept.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106224_c251b8357e9567e6734fac5fc6e7e17b.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 09 23 Analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's Speech Acts after Al-Aqsa Storm Operation Based on John Searle's Speech Act Theory Analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's Speech Acts after Al-Aqsa Storm Operation Based on John Searle's Speech Act Theory 65 94 105899 10.48308/piaj.2025.238772.1650 FA Ali Bagheri Dolatabadi professor in International relations, Department of Political Science, Yasouj University, Yasuj, Iran 0000-0002-4584-5870 Journal Article 2025 02 14 Introduction The "Al-Aqsa Storm Operation" represents the most significant political event globally in 2023 and 2024, marking a new chapter in developments concerning Palestine and the broader West Asian region. Consequently, it has garnered intense attention from global public opinion, media outlets, and political and military analysts. A focal point for these analysts and media professionals has been Iran's stance and the comments made by Ayatollah Khamenei regarding this event. A particularly useful theoretical framework for analyzing Iran’s leader is John Searle's Speech Act Theory. Methods To address the question regarding Ayatollah Khamenei's speeches following the Al-Aqsa Storm Operation, the analysis utilized Searle's theory of speech acts. All speeches delivered by Ayatollah Khamenei within one year of the operation were collected and examined through both quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (explanatory) methods. The data collection was conducted using purposive sampling, and content validity was ensured through a single focus group. Results The findings reveal that Ayatollah Khamenei utilized all five types of speech acts. He features assertive acts (46.15%), expressive acts (24.47%), declarative acts (14.68%), directive acts (9.79%), and commissive acts (4.89%) in order of frequency. Discussion Statistical analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's speech acts reveals that assertive acts dominate the leader's speeches, accounting for 46.15 percent. In these instances, the Iranian leader aims to clarify the regional situation to his audience and articulate his views and conclusions regarding ongoing events. Expressive speech acts follow in frequency, comprising 24.47 percent of his statements. These acts reflect the speaker's psychological states, such as expressing interest, hatred, regret, happiness, remorse, pleasure, blame, congratulations, and admiration toward a subject. Declarative acts rank third among Khamenei's speech acts at 14.68 percent. This category includes statements that aim to create real changes in the external world. Such acts can be seen as a way of explaining the situation while urging the audience to adapt to new realities. The directive act occupies the fourth position with 9.79 percent. In this context, the speaker encourages the audience to take specific actions or refrain from doing so through imperative, declarative, interrogative structures, as well as praise and blame. Khamenei has sought to motivate Islamic movements in the region to act against Israeli brutality and provide humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza. The least frequent speech act in Khamenei's discourse is the commissive act at 4.89 percent. This act involves the speaker committing to future actions through promises or oaths. This aspect of Khamenei's speech reflects Iran's commitment to continue supporting the oppressed people of Palestine. Conclusions The use of assertive speech acts indicates that Ayatollah Khamenei believes the developments in Gaza and Operation Storm Al-Aqsa have not been adequately communicated to the Iranian public and regional audiences; thus, it is essential to elucidate their various dimensions. He has consistently emphasized that today's conflict is a battle of narratives and media. Consequently, the lack of first-hand comprehensive narratives about events in Gaza has influenced Khamenei's decision to employ declarative speech acts. In addition to accurately explaining developments, Khamenei has aimed to harness the emotions and sentiments of the Islamic world to mobilize support for Palestine. Encouraging Muslims to maintain their support for Palestine, condemning Israeli atrocities, fostering Islamic unity and solidarity, shaping public opinion globally and regionally, and pressuring international officials and institutions are all components of this strategy designed to facilitate Palestinian groups' victories and alleviate their suffering. Introduction The "Al-Aqsa Storm Operation" represents the most significant political event globally in 2023 and 2024, marking a new chapter in developments concerning Palestine and the broader West Asian region. Consequently, it has garnered intense attention from global public opinion, media outlets, and political and military analysts. A focal point for these analysts and media professionals has been Iran's stance and the comments made by Ayatollah Khamenei regarding this event. A particularly useful theoretical framework for analyzing Iran’s leader is John Searle's Speech Act Theory. Methods To address the question regarding Ayatollah Khamenei's speeches following the Al-Aqsa Storm Operation, the analysis utilized Searle's theory of speech acts. All speeches delivered by Ayatollah Khamenei within one year of the operation were collected and examined through both quantitative (descriptive statistics) and qualitative (explanatory) methods. The data collection was conducted using purposive sampling, and content validity was ensured through a single focus group. Results The findings reveal that Ayatollah Khamenei utilized all five types of speech acts. He features assertive acts (46.15%), expressive acts (24.47%), declarative acts (14.68%), directive acts (9.79%), and commissive acts (4.89%) in order of frequency. Discussion Statistical analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's speech acts reveals that assertive acts dominate the leader's speeches, accounting for 46.15 percent. In these instances, the Iranian leader aims to clarify the regional situation to his audience and articulate his views and conclusions regarding ongoing events. Expressive speech acts follow in frequency, comprising 24.47 percent of his statements. These acts reflect the speaker's psychological states, such as expressing interest, hatred, regret, happiness, remorse, pleasure, blame, congratulations, and admiration toward a subject. Declarative acts rank third among Khamenei's speech acts at 14.68 percent. This category includes statements that aim to create real changes in the external world. Such acts can be seen as a way of explaining the situation while urging the audience to adapt to new realities. The directive act occupies the fourth position with 9.79 percent. In this context, the speaker encourages the audience to take specific actions or refrain from doing so through imperative, declarative, interrogative structures, as well as praise and blame. Khamenei has sought to motivate Islamic movements in the region to act against Israeli brutality and provide humanitarian assistance to the people of Gaza. The least frequent speech act in Khamenei's discourse is the commissive act at 4.89 percent. This act involves the speaker committing to future actions through promises or oaths. This aspect of Khamenei's speech reflects Iran's commitment to continue supporting the oppressed people of Palestine. Conclusions The use of assertive speech acts indicates that Ayatollah Khamenei believes the developments in Gaza and Operation Storm Al-Aqsa have not been adequately communicated to the Iranian public and regional audiences; thus, it is essential to elucidate their various dimensions. He has consistently emphasized that today's conflict is a battle of narratives and media. Consequently, the lack of first-hand comprehensive narratives about events in Gaza has influenced Khamenei's decision to employ declarative speech acts. In addition to accurately explaining developments, Khamenei has aimed to harness the emotions and sentiments of the Islamic world to mobilize support for Palestine. Encouraging Muslims to maintain their support for Palestine, condemning Israeli atrocities, fostering Islamic unity and solidarity, shaping public opinion globally and regionally, and pressuring international officials and institutions are all components of this strategy designed to facilitate Palestinian groups' victories and alleviate their suffering.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105899_eec437c54f0860d35fa164cf985fbcd0.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 09 23 Analysis of political themes in the textbooks of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party (1945-1946): Based on Gramsci's theory of hegemony Analysis of political themes in the textbooks of the Azerbaijan Democratic Party (1945-1946): Based on Gramsci's theory of hegemony 95 116 106238 10.48308/piaj.2025.239536.1676 FA Ramin Madadlou Assistant Professor of Political Science, Department of Iranian Issues and Islamic Revolution Studies, Faculty of Islamic Studies and Political Science, Imam Sadiq University, Tehran, Iran. 0000-0002-0247-7430 Journal Article 2025 04 17 Introduction: The one-year rule of the Azerbaijan Democrat Party (ADP) in Iran (1945–1946) represents a critical juncture characterized by significant cultural initiatives, most notably the introduction of new Azerbaijani-language textbooks aimed at fostering a distinct regional identity. Despite the acknowledged importance of this educational campaign, the political and ideological content embedded within these textbooks has remained largely under-analyzed. This study seeks to address this gap by examining how the ADP government strategically articulated and disseminated its political perspectives through these official educational materials. The central research question explores the extent to which these textbooks functioned as instruments of political socialization and ideological consolidation, with particular attention to their role in constructing identity, legitimizing a preferred political order, and systematically discrediting the pre-existing Iranian socio-political system. Methods: This research is situated within Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, employing concepts such as passive revolution and organic intellectuals as analytical tools. Gramsci’s framework emphasizes the pivotal role of civil society institutions—especially education—in cultivating consent and establishing legitimacy for ruling powers. The methodological approach adopted here is qualitative thematic analysis, applied rigorously to the content of six elementary school textbooks (Vətən Dili) published by the ADP government in 1946. The data were subjected to a multi-stage coding process (open, axial, and selective coding), with the aim of identifying recurring patterns and extracting basic, organizing, and ultimately overarching themes present in the texts. Results and Discussion: The thematic analysis revealed that the ADP textbooks operated as central instruments within a deliberate hegemonic project. Six principal organizing themes emerged from the analysis: 1) A distinct Azerbaijani identity was systematically constructed, with strong emphasis on the Azerbaijani language and the selective reinterpretation of history around local figures and narratives that underscored Azerbaijan’s cultural and historical separateness from the dominant Persian-centric Iranian identity. 2) The ADP and its institutions were actively legitimized as the authentic voice of the people and the rightful heirs to historical struggles for autonomy. 3) The pre-existing order—particularly the monarchy and the clergy—was systematically discredited as a source of tyranny and backwardness, thereby reinforcing the justification for the new regime. 4) Revolutionary socialist ideals and leftist terminology were pervasive throughout the texts, celebrating class consciousness, solidarity, and revolutionary action. 5) Soviet Azerbaijan and the USSR were consistently idealized as models of progress, justice, and socialist achievement, offering a blueprint for Azerbaijan’s future. 6) Iran was depicted in an ambiguous manner, with Azerbaijan frequently portrayed as the true “homeland” in contrast to an often antagonistic and oppressive “Tehran.” The overarching theme unifying these findings can be summarized as: “Engineering a Distinct Socialist Azerbaijani Identity: Establishing the Hegemony of the Democratic Party in Opposition to Traditional Iran.” This theme highlights the methodical attempt to construct a new, socialist-aligned Azerbaijani identity, one fundamentally distinct from and in opposition to the established Iranian identity and socio-political order. Conclusions: Viewed through a Gramscian lens, the findings underscore the ADP’s strategic deployment of education and textbooks as core instruments of a passive revolution—an attempt to transform society from above in order to secure cultural and political hegemony. The party’s organic intellectuals played a decisive role in shaping and disseminating this narrative. Despite these sophisticated efforts to engineer identity and manufacture consent, the hegemonic project ultimately collapsed. Its failure stemmed primarily from the absence of a deeply rooted and independent social base within Azerbaijan, coupled with the regime’s critical dependence on external Soviet support. This reliance undermined its ability to secure broad and sustainable popular consensus, leaving the project vulnerable and short-lived. Introduction: The one-year rule of the Azerbaijan Democrat Party (ADP) in Iran (1945–1946) represents a critical juncture characterized by significant cultural initiatives, most notably the introduction of new Azerbaijani-language textbooks aimed at fostering a distinct regional identity. Despite the acknowledged importance of this educational campaign, the political and ideological content embedded within these textbooks has remained largely under-analyzed. This study seeks to address this gap by examining how the ADP government strategically articulated and disseminated its political perspectives through these official educational materials. The central research question explores the extent to which these textbooks functioned as instruments of political socialization and ideological consolidation, with particular attention to their role in constructing identity, legitimizing a preferred political order, and systematically discrediting the pre-existing Iranian socio-political system. Methods: This research is situated within Antonio Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, employing concepts such as passive revolution and organic intellectuals as analytical tools. Gramsci’s framework emphasizes the pivotal role of civil society institutions—especially education—in cultivating consent and establishing legitimacy for ruling powers. The methodological approach adopted here is qualitative thematic analysis, applied rigorously to the content of six elementary school textbooks (Vətən Dili) published by the ADP government in 1946. The data were subjected to a multi-stage coding process (open, axial, and selective coding), with the aim of identifying recurring patterns and extracting basic, organizing, and ultimately overarching themes present in the texts. Results and Discussion: The thematic analysis revealed that the ADP textbooks operated as central instruments within a deliberate hegemonic project. Six principal organizing themes emerged from the analysis: 1) A distinct Azerbaijani identity was systematically constructed, with strong emphasis on the Azerbaijani language and the selective reinterpretation of history around local figures and narratives that underscored Azerbaijan’s cultural and historical separateness from the dominant Persian-centric Iranian identity. 2) The ADP and its institutions were actively legitimized as the authentic voice of the people and the rightful heirs to historical struggles for autonomy. 3) The pre-existing order—particularly the monarchy and the clergy—was systematically discredited as a source of tyranny and backwardness, thereby reinforcing the justification for the new regime. 4) Revolutionary socialist ideals and leftist terminology were pervasive throughout the texts, celebrating class consciousness, solidarity, and revolutionary action. 5) Soviet Azerbaijan and the USSR were consistently idealized as models of progress, justice, and socialist achievement, offering a blueprint for Azerbaijan’s future. 6) Iran was depicted in an ambiguous manner, with Azerbaijan frequently portrayed as the true “homeland” in contrast to an often antagonistic and oppressive “Tehran.” The overarching theme unifying these findings can be summarized as: “Engineering a Distinct Socialist Azerbaijani Identity: Establishing the Hegemony of the Democratic Party in Opposition to Traditional Iran.” This theme highlights the methodical attempt to construct a new, socialist-aligned Azerbaijani identity, one fundamentally distinct from and in opposition to the established Iranian identity and socio-political order. Conclusions: Viewed through a Gramscian lens, the findings underscore the ADP’s strategic deployment of education and textbooks as core instruments of a passive revolution—an attempt to transform society from above in order to secure cultural and political hegemony. The party’s organic intellectuals played a decisive role in shaping and disseminating this narrative. Despite these sophisticated efforts to engineer identity and manufacture consent, the hegemonic project ultimately collapsed. Its failure stemmed primarily from the absence of a deeply rooted and independent social base within Azerbaijan, coupled with the regime’s critical dependence on external Soviet support. This reliance undermined its ability to secure broad and sustainable popular consensus, leaving the project vulnerable and short-lived.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106238_8d764819e66ab628908ee84480708c54.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 10 01 Iran's Position in Russia's Geopolitical Game: Unstable Balance in Difficult Conditions Iran's Position in Russia's Geopolitical Game: Unstable Balance in Difficult Conditions 117 138 105903 10.48308/piaj.2025.239092.1668 FA Mohammadjavad Soltani Gishini International Relations Lecturer, faculty of law and theology, shahid bahonar university, Kerman, Iran. 0009-0002-8554-368X Jahangir Karami professor of regional studies department, law and political science faculty, Tehran university, Tehran, Iran 0000-0001-8815-7069 Journal Article Introduction: after the Soviet collapse, Iran’s role was limited in Russia’s foreign policy. Returning Putin in 2012-2013 and significant developments in the Middle East, relations between the two enhanced till the Ukraine war in 2022. After this crisis, this cooperation focused on issues related to this scene. With the fall of Assad, the most earnest issue of cooperation between the two countries on regional geopolitical issues has ended, and a correct understanding of Iran's geopolitical position in Russian politics at the regional and global levels has become an important issue. The main question is how the attitude of Russia has shifted during the Ukraine crisis, towards Iran? The hypothesis is that from the Kremlin's perspective, Iran is a follower of Moscow in international equations, a partner in the Eurasian territory, a fringe in the Russky Mir, and a balancing factor in the Middle East. Method: The methodology is a qualitative analysis of the variables of the main hypothesis. The developments in Iran-Russia relations and Russian foreign policy in the past decade reviewed, since the Syrian crisis in 2011 and Ukraine crisis in 2014, using variables derived from theoretical foundations and comparing them with the variables of the main hypothesis. Four policy positions of this country consist of the international system, the Eurasian system, the Russky Mir military, and the West Asian regional system will be considered as the main positions of Russian policy. Using these four levels, we will discuss Iran's position in each of them from the perspective of Russia and present the necessary arguments for analyzing the main hypothesis. The findings of the school of foreign policy analysis have been utilized as a theoretical framework for their discussions. Thereby, the factors determining the geopolitical position of countries are more concerned with the domestic level, and issues such as the decision-making process, political elites, parties and movements of the country, as well as institutions, structures, ideology, political and strategic culture contribute to understand the position of foreign actors. Result and discussion:. Since 2014, there has been a significant revision of Russia's international and regional policy, understood at four levels: international, regional, Eurasian, Russian world and Middle East. This development has also had a significant impact on redefining Iran's position. Therefore, Iran has gained special importance within the framework of concepts such as the global majority, the global south and the BRICS. The main argument is that how Iran's position has been understood in each of these four geopolitical situations of Russia has been determined based on the priorities of the Russia and due to developments in its regional and global policy. Conclusion: Iran is a follower of Moscow, given its power in international equations, and the importance of this country cannot be imagined to be at the level or beyond its major global counterparts. Regarding Iran's position in the Eurasian region, it accords it a more or less equal position. In the Russky-Mir equations, Iran's role is of marginal importance, but in West Asia, considering the performance of Russia, Iran is important in balancing within the framework of the Russian geopolitical game. it is based on these geopolitical realities that one should neither go to extremes nor be too extreme in understanding the comprehensive agreement on twenty-year strategic cooperation between Iran and Russia in January 2025, and consider the realities of these relations based on the logic and priorities of Russia's geopolitical situation, because any document beyond the text of the agreement is formed on the basis and context of the geopolitical situation that is less likely to change in the course of daily developments. Introduction: after the Soviet collapse, Iran’s role was limited in Russia’s foreign policy. Returning Putin in 2012-2013 and significant developments in the Middle East, relations between the two enhanced till the Ukraine war in 2022. After this crisis, this cooperation focused on issues related to this scene. With the fall of Assad, the most earnest issue of cooperation between the two countries on regional geopolitical issues has ended, and a correct understanding of Iran's geopolitical position in Russian politics at the regional and global levels has become an important issue. The main question is how the attitude of Russia has shifted during the Ukraine crisis, towards Iran? The hypothesis is that from the Kremlin's perspective, Iran is a follower of Moscow in international equations, a partner in the Eurasian territory, a fringe in the Russky Mir, and a balancing factor in the Middle East. Method: The methodology is a qualitative analysis of the variables of the main hypothesis. The developments in Iran-Russia relations and Russian foreign policy in the past decade reviewed, since the Syrian crisis in 2011 and Ukraine crisis in 2014, using variables derived from theoretical foundations and comparing them with the variables of the main hypothesis. Four policy positions of this country consist of the international system, the Eurasian system, the Russky Mir military, and the West Asian regional system will be considered as the main positions of Russian policy. Using these four levels, we will discuss Iran's position in each of them from the perspective of Russia and present the necessary arguments for analyzing the main hypothesis. The findings of the school of foreign policy analysis have been utilized as a theoretical framework for their discussions. Thereby, the factors determining the geopolitical position of countries are more concerned with the domestic level, and issues such as the decision-making process, political elites, parties and movements of the country, as well as institutions, structures, ideology, political and strategic culture contribute to understand the position of foreign actors. Result and discussion:. Since 2014, there has been a significant revision of Russia's international and regional policy, understood at four levels: international, regional, Eurasian, Russian world and Middle East. This development has also had a significant impact on redefining Iran's position. Therefore, Iran has gained special importance within the framework of concepts such as the global majority, the global south and the BRICS. The main argument is that how Iran's position has been understood in each of these four geopolitical situations of Russia has been determined based on the priorities of the Russia and due to developments in its regional and global policy. Conclusion: Iran is a follower of Moscow, given its power in international equations, and the importance of this country cannot be imagined to be at the level or beyond its major global counterparts. Regarding Iran's position in the Eurasian region, it accords it a more or less equal position. In the Russky-Mir equations, Iran's role is of marginal importance, but in West Asia, considering the performance of Russia, Iran is important in balancing within the framework of the Russian geopolitical game. it is based on these geopolitical realities that one should neither go to extremes nor be too extreme in understanding the comprehensive agreement on twenty-year strategic cooperation between Iran and Russia in January 2025, and consider the realities of these relations based on the logic and priorities of Russia's geopolitical situation, because any document beyond the text of the agreement is formed on the basis and context of the geopolitical situation that is less likely to change in the course of daily developments.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_105903_8ad6d92f2b3ab7a3bcbd1beb82879b5b.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 09 23 Stability and fluidity of intentions in foreign policy; analysis of Saudi Arabia's approach towards the Islamic Republic of Iran Stability and fluidity of intentions in foreign policy; analysis of Saudi Arabia's approach towards the Islamic Republic of Iran 139 161 106065 10.48308/piaj.2025.240487.1715 FA Davood Karimipour Assistant Professor ofInternational relations, Faculty of National Security, National Defense University. Tehran.Iran. Mahmoud Asgari Assistant Professor of National Security, Faculty of National Security, National Defense University. Tehran.Iran. Journal Article 2025 06 28 International units generally do not have a relatively accurate understanding of the intentions and purposes of other actors in the international system. The main reason for this fact is that generally correct and accurate strategies for gaining a correct understanding of this issue are not foreseen in international theories. Even well-known theorists such as Mearsheimer or Jervis have expressed their inability to gain a complete understanding of the intentions of actors. However, there are different approaches and theories with the help of which one can gain a level of understanding of the intentions and purposes of actors in the international system, which significantly contributes to the decision-making process in foreign policy. This is especially true for Iran. Saudi Arabia, which has gradually improved its relations with Iran in recent years and has changed its course from a cycle of tension and aggression to peace and cooperation, is one of the best case studies in the field of understanding strategic intentions. Therefore, the present article has examined this change and examined how the behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran affects the strategic objectives of Saudi Arabia. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to understand the strategic intention of the Saudi government towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. In other words, the present article tries to understand the important factors on which the strategic intention of the Saudi government towards Iran is formed, and to achieve a correct understanding of the strategic intention of this country towards Iran. In this regard, several valuable works have been published that provide better results for the upcoming article. • Methodology Given that the aim of this article is to present an approach to better understand the intentions in foreign policy of countries and in this regard uses the Saudi government as a case study, the research method of this article is also based on an instrumental qualitative case study. In the instrumental qualitative case study method, the author tries to explain a specific topic, issue or approach by examining an organization, country, individual, etc., so that he can generalize or generate a theory through it. In fact, the purpose of presenting a case in this method is to facilitate the understanding of a topic. • Result and discussion The intentions of international actors in foreign policy are shaped by a diverse range of variables, the precise identification of which is accompanied by complex difficulties. Intentions that are based on identity resources are fixed, while those that are based on strategic rationality are variable and fluid. Governments generally stratify their intentions and do not necessarily pursue their fundamental and strategic intentions. The Saudi government has shown different behaviors in recent years that have made it necessary to understand the strategic intent of this country. The findings based on the qualitative instrumental method of the study showed that although the Saudi government considers Iran as its geopolitical and identity enemy from a psychological perspective, it is now trying to make decisions based on strategic rationality. Therefore, identity-based intentions based on strategic rationality have become passive and fluid intentions have become active. International units generally do not have a relatively accurate understanding of the intentions and purposes of other actors in the international system. The main reason for this fact is that generally correct and accurate strategies for gaining a correct understanding of this issue are not foreseen in international theories. Even well-known theorists such as Mearsheimer or Jervis have expressed their inability to gain a complete understanding of the intentions of actors. However, there are different approaches and theories with the help of which one can gain a level of understanding of the intentions and purposes of actors in the international system, which significantly contributes to the decision-making process in foreign policy. This is especially true for Iran. Saudi Arabia, which has gradually improved its relations with Iran in recent years and has changed its course from a cycle of tension and aggression to peace and cooperation, is one of the best case studies in the field of understanding strategic intentions. Therefore, the present article has examined this change and examined how the behavior of the Islamic Republic of Iran affects the strategic objectives of Saudi Arabia. Therefore, the main goal of this article is to understand the strategic intention of the Saudi government towards the Islamic Republic of Iran. In other words, the present article tries to understand the important factors on which the strategic intention of the Saudi government towards Iran is formed, and to achieve a correct understanding of the strategic intention of this country towards Iran. In this regard, several valuable works have been published that provide better results for the upcoming article. • Methodology Given that the aim of this article is to present an approach to better understand the intentions in foreign policy of countries and in this regard uses the Saudi government as a case study, the research method of this article is also based on an instrumental qualitative case study. In the instrumental qualitative case study method, the author tries to explain a specific topic, issue or approach by examining an organization, country, individual, etc., so that he can generalize or generate a theory through it. In fact, the purpose of presenting a case in this method is to facilitate the understanding of a topic. • Result and discussion The intentions of international actors in foreign policy are shaped by a diverse range of variables, the precise identification of which is accompanied by complex difficulties. Intentions that are based on identity resources are fixed, while those that are based on strategic rationality are variable and fluid. Governments generally stratify their intentions and do not necessarily pursue their fundamental and strategic intentions. The Saudi government has shown different behaviors in recent years that have made it necessary to understand the strategic intent of this country. The findings based on the qualitative instrumental method of the study showed that although the Saudi government considers Iran as its geopolitical and identity enemy from a psychological perspective, it is now trying to make decisions based on strategic rationality. Therefore, identity-based intentions based on strategic rationality have become passive and fluid intentions have become active.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106065_d288a67e5fe3b80c0ccb9531e87d437a.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 17 3 2025 09 23 The material and immaterial dimensions of the new geopolitics of artificial intelligence: the dynamics of US-China competition The material and immaterial dimensions of the new geopolitics of artificial intelligence: the dynamics of US-China competition 162 184 106064 10.48308/piaj.2025.240434.1712 FA Mehdi Abbaszadeh Associate Professor of International Relations, Department of Political Science, Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran 0000-0003-1893-2132 Mosayyeb Rostami M.A in Diplomacy and International Organizations, Department of Political Science, Shahid Bahonar University of Kerman, Kerman, Iran. 0009-0009-8184-8014 Journal Article 2025 06 18 Extended Abstract Introduction: The competition over artificial intelligence is a fundamental struggle over the desired technological future, To understand these complex dynamics, we need an approach that is not limited to technical or economic aspects; but also explores the deep connection between technology, power, space, and discourse. This multifaceted competition, which has its roots in the struggle to control data and algorithms, presents us with new dimensions of geopolitical conflict. The present study attempts to analyze the geopolitics of artificial intelligence in the era of great power competition between the United States and China. Our main question is: How are the dynamics of the geopolitical competition in AI between the United States and China shaped by divergent approaches to governance and industrial policy, discursive dimensions and strategic symbolism, and national socio-technical imaginaries, and what are the implications for the global geopolitical order? Theoretical Approach: By integrating three complementary schools of thought – critical geopolitics, socio-techno imaginaries, and industrial policy theory – this article provides the necessary of analytical tools to analyze the competition between the US and China. In this context, it also addresses the concept of data governance as a key area of this competition. Method: The present study uses a qualitative approach to analyze the geopolitics of artificial intelligence in the era of great power competition between the United States and China. The complex and multifaceted nature of this phenomenon necessitates a method that can understand the deeper layers of power, discourse, and meanings; therefore, we used a qualitative comparative analytical design. Results and Discussion: Fundamental differences in approaches to AI governance and industrial policy between China and the United States, rooted in their political systems, values, and national socio-technical imaginaries, have led to structural differences in these policies. The state-centered, centralized, and command-and-control approach in China, versus the market-oriented approach with targeted and increasing government interventions in the United States, represent distinct strategies for shaping and controlling the global technological space. These differences have directly led to the formation of distinct and divergent technological ecosystems and have profound implications for value chains, standards, and innovation orientations in the global AI industry. While China emphasizes self-sufficiency and centralized control, the United States seeks to maintain technological superiority by driving private sector innovation and limiting the access of competitors. Analyzing these differences from a combined perspective of critical geopolitics, socio-technical imaginaries, and industrial politics shows how the struggle for geopolitical power, in the form of material policies and approaches, is shaping the future of artificial intelligence and global order. Conclusion: In line with the first sub-objective (comparative analysis of governance and industrial policy approaches), divergent state approaches in China and the increasingly market-oriented US, rooted in their different national philosophies and values, shape the material basis of competition and directly lead to consequences such as technological polarization. Also, in response to the second sub-objective (examining discursive dimensions, the role of socio-technical imaginaries and strategic semiotics), we explained how immaterial dimensions such as socio-technical imaginaries and discourses play a vital role in shaping the perception of AI, its use as strategic semiotics and the representation of competition in the context of critical geopolitics, and influence interactions between actors. Finally, in fulfilling the third sub-objective (explaining geopolitical implications), we made it clear that the complex interaction of these material and immaterial dynamics leads to far-reaching consequences for the global order; Consequences such as increased risk of conflict, disruption of trade and competition in the South are understandable from a critical geopolitical perspective and indicate the realignment of power and space in the age of AI. Extended Abstract Introduction: The competition over artificial intelligence is a fundamental struggle over the desired technological future, To understand these complex dynamics, we need an approach that is not limited to technical or economic aspects; but also explores the deep connection between technology, power, space, and discourse. This multifaceted competition, which has its roots in the struggle to control data and algorithms, presents us with new dimensions of geopolitical conflict. The present study attempts to analyze the geopolitics of artificial intelligence in the era of great power competition between the United States and China. Our main question is: How are the dynamics of the geopolitical competition in AI between the United States and China shaped by divergent approaches to governance and industrial policy, discursive dimensions and strategic symbolism, and national socio-technical imaginaries, and what are the implications for the global geopolitical order? Theoretical Approach: By integrating three complementary schools of thought – critical geopolitics, socio-techno imaginaries, and industrial policy theory – this article provides the necessary of analytical tools to analyze the competition between the US and China. In this context, it also addresses the concept of data governance as a key area of this competition. Method: The present study uses a qualitative approach to analyze the geopolitics of artificial intelligence in the era of great power competition between the United States and China. The complex and multifaceted nature of this phenomenon necessitates a method that can understand the deeper layers of power, discourse, and meanings; therefore, we used a qualitative comparative analytical design. Results and Discussion: Fundamental differences in approaches to AI governance and industrial policy between China and the United States, rooted in their political systems, values, and national socio-technical imaginaries, have led to structural differences in these policies. The state-centered, centralized, and command-and-control approach in China, versus the market-oriented approach with targeted and increasing government interventions in the United States, represent distinct strategies for shaping and controlling the global technological space. These differences have directly led to the formation of distinct and divergent technological ecosystems and have profound implications for value chains, standards, and innovation orientations in the global AI industry. While China emphasizes self-sufficiency and centralized control, the United States seeks to maintain technological superiority by driving private sector innovation and limiting the access of competitors. Analyzing these differences from a combined perspective of critical geopolitics, socio-technical imaginaries, and industrial politics shows how the struggle for geopolitical power, in the form of material policies and approaches, is shaping the future of artificial intelligence and global order. Conclusion: In line with the first sub-objective (comparative analysis of governance and industrial policy approaches), divergent state approaches in China and the increasingly market-oriented US, rooted in their different national philosophies and values, shape the material basis of competition and directly lead to consequences such as technological polarization. Also, in response to the second sub-objective (examining discursive dimensions, the role of socio-technical imaginaries and strategic semiotics), we explained how immaterial dimensions such as socio-technical imaginaries and discourses play a vital role in shaping the perception of AI, its use as strategic semiotics and the representation of competition in the context of critical geopolitics, and influence interactions between actors. Finally, in fulfilling the third sub-objective (explaining geopolitical implications), we made it clear that the complex interaction of these material and immaterial dynamics leads to far-reaching consequences for the global order; Consequences such as increased risk of conflict, disruption of trade and competition in the South are understandable from a critical geopolitical perspective and indicate the realignment of power and space in the age of AI.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_106064_0baf0cfa40c33c82ac2bcc2afbd57498.pdf