Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 The political economy of internationalization of emerging currencies; An analysis of the trends and consequences of the internationalization of the yuan The political economy of internationalization of emerging currencies; An analysis of the trends and consequences of the internationalization of the yuan 1 28 104801 10.48308/piaj.2024.235481.1521 FA Sahar Pirankhoo Ph.D. candidate in International Relations, Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Administrative Science and Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran Ali Omidi Associate Professor of International Relations, Department of Political Sciences, Faculty of Administrative Science and Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran. Iman Bastanifar Associate Professor of Economics, Department of Economics, Faculty of Administrative Science and Economics, University of Isfahan, Isfahan, Iran. Journal Article 2024 04 27 Introduction: With the remarkable rise of China's economy in the 21st century and its unparalleled role in commercial and financial exchanges, the internationalization of the Chinese yuan has become one of the primary indicators of China's emergence as a significant political and economic power in the global order. As major challenges confront the dominance of the U.S. dollar on one hand and China’s ascending position in the global power hierarchy on the other, new debates have emerged regarding the potential of the Chinese currency—the yuan or renminbi—to become an international currency in academic and policy-making circles. Regardless of whether this internationalization is feasible, one thing seems certain: the consequences of such a development. The circulation of a currency such as yuan on the international stage, its status as a financial intermediary, and its transformation into a store of value are influenced by both political foundations and power dynamics. This article aims to explore the trends and consequences of the yuan's internationalization, taking into account the uncertainties within China’s political and economic system, and to answer the question of what consequences might arise from the yuan's internationalization in the context of political and economic uncertainty. Methods: This article adopts the uncertainty approach as a hypothesis and employs a descriptive-analytical and exploratory method. It posits that the internationalization of any emerging currency, including the yuan, requires a reduction of uncertainty in both political and economic domains. If these uncertainties are understood and managed, the internationalization of the yuan will be facilitated; otherwise, it will face significant challenges. The article assumes the yuan's internationalization as a given trajectory and does not aim at future forecasting. Instead, it focuses its analysis on the potential consequences by drawing on the historical experiences of more established and widely used currencies in the international monetary system, such as the U.S. dollar, within an analytical framework. Results and Discussion: The present article, assuming the future internationalization of the yuan within the international monetary system, identifies the consequences of political uncertainty in areas such as democratic reforms, China's role as a responsible power, its increasing influence in the Global South, and its portrayal as a major power. Economic uncertainty is discussed in terms of factors such as the adjustment and reform of China’s political-economic structure, changes in government-led price setting, challenges to the U.S. dollar sanctions regime, and the strengthening of Chinese economic institutions. Conclusion: The findings of this research show that the internationalization of a currency primarily depends on the economic capacities of the country that issues it and, secondarily, on the trust it commands from other countries. Despite the fact that, according to available statistics, the Chinese yuan ranks below traditional currencies such as the dollar, pound, euro, and Japanese yen in terms of international exchange, its rising trend indicates increasing internationalization. This process will undoubtedly be influenced by China's economic capacities. To reduce uncertainty and enhance predictability in the domestic environment, democratic reforms and greater economic and institutional transparency are necessary. Additionally, in the international arena, China must assume greater responsibility for global issues and work towards a positive portrayal of itself as a major power in the Global South, particularly in addressing global challenges. Introduction: With the remarkable rise of China's economy in the 21st century and its unparalleled role in commercial and financial exchanges, the internationalization of the Chinese yuan has become one of the primary indicators of China's emergence as a significant political and economic power in the global order. As major challenges confront the dominance of the U.S. dollar on one hand and China’s ascending position in the global power hierarchy on the other, new debates have emerged regarding the potential of the Chinese currency—the yuan or renminbi—to become an international currency in academic and policy-making circles. Regardless of whether this internationalization is feasible, one thing seems certain: the consequences of such a development. The circulation of a currency such as yuan on the international stage, its status as a financial intermediary, and its transformation into a store of value are influenced by both political foundations and power dynamics. This article aims to explore the trends and consequences of the yuan's internationalization, taking into account the uncertainties within China’s political and economic system, and to answer the question of what consequences might arise from the yuan's internationalization in the context of political and economic uncertainty. Methods: This article adopts the uncertainty approach as a hypothesis and employs a descriptive-analytical and exploratory method. It posits that the internationalization of any emerging currency, including the yuan, requires a reduction of uncertainty in both political and economic domains. If these uncertainties are understood and managed, the internationalization of the yuan will be facilitated; otherwise, it will face significant challenges. The article assumes the yuan's internationalization as a given trajectory and does not aim at future forecasting. Instead, it focuses its analysis on the potential consequences by drawing on the historical experiences of more established and widely used currencies in the international monetary system, such as the U.S. dollar, within an analytical framework. Results and Discussion: The present article, assuming the future internationalization of the yuan within the international monetary system, identifies the consequences of political uncertainty in areas such as democratic reforms, China's role as a responsible power, its increasing influence in the Global South, and its portrayal as a major power. Economic uncertainty is discussed in terms of factors such as the adjustment and reform of China’s political-economic structure, changes in government-led price setting, challenges to the U.S. dollar sanctions regime, and the strengthening of Chinese economic institutions. Conclusion: The findings of this research show that the internationalization of a currency primarily depends on the economic capacities of the country that issues it and, secondarily, on the trust it commands from other countries. Despite the fact that, according to available statistics, the Chinese yuan ranks below traditional currencies such as the dollar, pound, euro, and Japanese yen in terms of international exchange, its rising trend indicates increasing internationalization. This process will undoubtedly be influenced by China's economic capacities. To reduce uncertainty and enhance predictability in the domestic environment, democratic reforms and greater economic and institutional transparency are necessary. Additionally, in the international arena, China must assume greater responsibility for global issues and work towards a positive portrayal of itself as a major power in the Global South, particularly in addressing global challenges.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104801_48d0a8d9b5aac4c3d8a4eddd0934c31a.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 Emerging Oil Consensus in the GCC Area; Explaining the Transition from Distributive Rent to Productive Rent Emerging Oil Consensus in the GCC Area; Explaining the Transition from Distributive Rent to Productive Rent 29 56 104781 10.48308/piaj.2024.233351.1446 FA Fariborz Arghavani Associate Professor of International Relations, Political Sciences Department, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran. Ali Dehghan M.A in Regional Studies, Political Sciences Department, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran. Arash Moradi Ph.D. Student in Political Sciences, Political Sciences Department, Faculty of Law and Political Sciences, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran. Journal Article 2023 10 10 Extended Abstract Introduction: The amazing economic development of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in recent decades has led to the emergence of a new nucleus of capitalism in the Persian Gulf subsystem and the Middle East region. The kingdoms of the Persian Gulf have efficiently leveraged their rentier economies and the vast revenues from hydrocarbon resources to form a novel consensus on development, initially based on the utilization of hydrocarbon resources, and are now moving towards more diversified economic development. These developments created tremendous changes in the literature of the rentier state; In such a way that oil and the rentier state, previously considered obstacles to sustainable development, have become the main pillars of the movement towards development in these societies; In other words, the GCC countries are transitioning from allocative rent to productive rent in their path towards development. The purpose of this article is to explain the reasons for this change. Methods: This study employs an analytical-explanatory approach based on the analysis of micro and macro components and the conceptual framework of the development-oriented state. Utilizing both library and internet sources, it seeks to critically examine the influence of both international and domestic factors on the shift in development strategies, while addressing the shortcomings of the development-oriented state theory, particularly its lack of attention to international variables and their impact on domestic development processes. Findings: The findings of this research show that the occurrence of a series of political and economic factors such as a generational shift in leadership, the birth of development-oriented states, balancing foreign policy, using smart power and connecting to the global economy, have provided the basis for the formation of this new model of development. It has resulted in the formation of a new movement among the the GCC members, from the allocation rent to the productive one. Conclusion: In reality, for decades, the hydrocarbon resources of the Persian Gulf have served as the gateway for GCC countries to enter and participate in the global economy as energy suppliers. The instability of oil resources, the discovery of shale oil and instability in oil prices made these countries realize the necessity and importance of creating a diversified economic system. Along with these issues, the occurrence of developments at both internal and external levels pushed these countries towards a kind of consensus on the way of internal governance and foreign policy. The new generation of leaders came to power with mainly economic-oriented attitudes, and in search of ways to diversify the rentier economy of their countries, they started initiatives such as development perspective programs in all countries of the GCC. Under the influence of the new ideas of their leaders, these rentier governments, by using elements such as authoritarianism and following the authoritarian capitalist model, became productive and nurturing governments in the economic field, which today are the main implementers of development prospects with tools such as government branding and economic investments. At the same time, based on the new ideas of the new leaders regarding the importance of effective economic relations with the world and the pursuit of political-economic interests and opportunities simultaneously with the East and the West, they started to balance the foreign policy and have engaged in reciprocal relationships with partners like China and India in the East, as well as the United States and Europe in the West, while employing smart power strategies. Extended Abstract Introduction: The amazing economic development of the Persian Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries in recent decades has led to the emergence of a new nucleus of capitalism in the Persian Gulf subsystem and the Middle East region. The kingdoms of the Persian Gulf have efficiently leveraged their rentier economies and the vast revenues from hydrocarbon resources to form a novel consensus on development, initially based on the utilization of hydrocarbon resources, and are now moving towards more diversified economic development. These developments created tremendous changes in the literature of the rentier state; In such a way that oil and the rentier state, previously considered obstacles to sustainable development, have become the main pillars of the movement towards development in these societies; In other words, the GCC countries are transitioning from allocative rent to productive rent in their path towards development. The purpose of this article is to explain the reasons for this change. Methods: This study employs an analytical-explanatory approach based on the analysis of micro and macro components and the conceptual framework of the development-oriented state. Utilizing both library and internet sources, it seeks to critically examine the influence of both international and domestic factors on the shift in development strategies, while addressing the shortcomings of the development-oriented state theory, particularly its lack of attention to international variables and their impact on domestic development processes. Findings: The findings of this research show that the occurrence of a series of political and economic factors such as a generational shift in leadership, the birth of development-oriented states, balancing foreign policy, using smart power and connecting to the global economy, have provided the basis for the formation of this new model of development. It has resulted in the formation of a new movement among the the GCC members, from the allocation rent to the productive one. Conclusion: In reality, for decades, the hydrocarbon resources of the Persian Gulf have served as the gateway for GCC countries to enter and participate in the global economy as energy suppliers. The instability of oil resources, the discovery of shale oil and instability in oil prices made these countries realize the necessity and importance of creating a diversified economic system. Along with these issues, the occurrence of developments at both internal and external levels pushed these countries towards a kind of consensus on the way of internal governance and foreign policy. The new generation of leaders came to power with mainly economic-oriented attitudes, and in search of ways to diversify the rentier economy of their countries, they started initiatives such as development perspective programs in all countries of the GCC. Under the influence of the new ideas of their leaders, these rentier governments, by using elements such as authoritarianism and following the authoritarian capitalist model, became productive and nurturing governments in the economic field, which today are the main implementers of development prospects with tools such as government branding and economic investments. At the same time, based on the new ideas of the new leaders regarding the importance of effective economic relations with the world and the pursuit of political-economic interests and opportunities simultaneously with the East and the West, they started to balance the foreign policy and have engaged in reciprocal relationships with partners like China and India in the East, as well as the United States and Europe in the West, while employing smart power strategies.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104781_ff92d5178c07e9dd497112310eeddf0d.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 Success and Failure in Foreign Policy: Narrative Analysis of JCPOA Success and Failure in Foreign Policy: Narrative Analysis of JCPOA 57 84 104782 10.48308/piaj.2024.235712.1538 FA Heidarali Masoudi Assistant Professor, International Relations, The Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran. Iran. Masoud Hamiani Ph.D. Student, International Relations, The Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran. Iran Journal Article 2024 05 15 Extended Abstract Introduction: Foreign policy, like any social construct, is subject to evaluation. One method of assessing foreign policy is analyzing its success or failure in achieving intended objectives. However, a challenging aspect is the lack of a shared understanding of what constitutes success or failure in foreign policy, as individuals within different perceptual frameworks present varied narratives of foreign policy outcomes. Despite several years since the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was concluded, debate persists in Iran regarding whether this agreement represents a failure in Iran's foreign policy that should be prevented from recurring, or conversely, a successful example of foreign policy that should be revived. Accordingly, the main question of the article is: what are the different narratives about the JCPOA as a pivotal moment in Iran's foreign policy, and what elements constitute these narratives. Methods: Initially, a qualitative analysis of texts, including official and semi-official statements about the JCPOA, revealed three distinct narratives: Success, Failure, and Intermediate narrative. Subsequently, the structural elements of these narratives— setting of the story, characterization, and emplotment—were analyzed using Oppermann and Spencer's narrative analysis method. In this approach, setting of the story addresses the narrative context, including disputes over alternative decision-making options and interpretations of the decision-making environment. Characterization involves attributing labels, characteristics, and historical comparisons to decision-makers, linking them with well-known figures to either praise or criticize specific narratives. Emplotment examine the process of events, including judgments about goal achievement, their consequences, and attribution of responsibility for these outcomes. Results and Discussion: Proponents of the Success narrative portrayed the JCPOA as averting the threat of war and signaling Iran's return to the international community (setting of the story). They compared it to the nationalization of the oil industry and likened Mohammad Javad Zarif to Mohammad Mosaddegh and Amir Kabir, while depicting opponents as uneducated and unfamiliar with the modern world (characterization). They also narrated it as successful in achieving objectives, including the lifting of sanctions resolutions (emplotment). Advocates of the Failure narrative depicted the JCPOA as a tool for disarming and pressuring Iran, transformed into a second Treaty of Turkmenchay due to Mohammad Javad Zarif's naivety in exchanging immediate concessions for promised benefits, and approved by circumventing the Iran’s Islamic Parliament (characterization). Consequently, the JCPOA was portrayed as violating the Supreme Leader's red lines and undermining national security, failing to achieve its primary goal of securing Iran's national interests (emplotment). Supporters of the Intermediate narrative initially portrayed the JCPOA as a win-win scenario but gradually developed a narrative, suggesting that Iran should have secured more concessions from the opposing side (setting of the story). This narrative was intermediate, meaning that it rejected both the comparison of the JCPOA to the Treaty of Turkmenchay and its characterization as a great conquest. It simultaneously praised the negotiators' efforts while criticizing some of their oversights (characterization). Prior to the U.S. withdrawal from the Deal, this narrative viewed the Deal as acceptable and valuable, benefits that were subsequently lost (emplotment). Conclusion: Although the Success narrative initially prevailed over the Failure narrative by presenting a plausible story with appropriate discursive power and portraying the opposing narrative as lacking alternative initiative, the Failure narrative gradually gained ground. By leveraging its structural power and depicting the JCPOA as an incomplete and detrimental agreement, it aligned with the Intermediate narrative, ultimately marginalizing the Success narrative. Extended Abstract Introduction: Foreign policy, like any social construct, is subject to evaluation. One method of assessing foreign policy is analyzing its success or failure in achieving intended objectives. However, a challenging aspect is the lack of a shared understanding of what constitutes success or failure in foreign policy, as individuals within different perceptual frameworks present varied narratives of foreign policy outcomes. Despite several years since the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) was concluded, debate persists in Iran regarding whether this agreement represents a failure in Iran's foreign policy that should be prevented from recurring, or conversely, a successful example of foreign policy that should be revived. Accordingly, the main question of the article is: what are the different narratives about the JCPOA as a pivotal moment in Iran's foreign policy, and what elements constitute these narratives. Methods: Initially, a qualitative analysis of texts, including official and semi-official statements about the JCPOA, revealed three distinct narratives: Success, Failure, and Intermediate narrative. Subsequently, the structural elements of these narratives— setting of the story, characterization, and emplotment—were analyzed using Oppermann and Spencer's narrative analysis method. In this approach, setting of the story addresses the narrative context, including disputes over alternative decision-making options and interpretations of the decision-making environment. Characterization involves attributing labels, characteristics, and historical comparisons to decision-makers, linking them with well-known figures to either praise or criticize specific narratives. Emplotment examine the process of events, including judgments about goal achievement, their consequences, and attribution of responsibility for these outcomes. Results and Discussion: Proponents of the Success narrative portrayed the JCPOA as averting the threat of war and signaling Iran's return to the international community (setting of the story). They compared it to the nationalization of the oil industry and likened Mohammad Javad Zarif to Mohammad Mosaddegh and Amir Kabir, while depicting opponents as uneducated and unfamiliar with the modern world (characterization). They also narrated it as successful in achieving objectives, including the lifting of sanctions resolutions (emplotment). Advocates of the Failure narrative depicted the JCPOA as a tool for disarming and pressuring Iran, transformed into a second Treaty of Turkmenchay due to Mohammad Javad Zarif's naivety in exchanging immediate concessions for promised benefits, and approved by circumventing the Iran’s Islamic Parliament (characterization). Consequently, the JCPOA was portrayed as violating the Supreme Leader's red lines and undermining national security, failing to achieve its primary goal of securing Iran's national interests (emplotment). Supporters of the Intermediate narrative initially portrayed the JCPOA as a win-win scenario but gradually developed a narrative, suggesting that Iran should have secured more concessions from the opposing side (setting of the story). This narrative was intermediate, meaning that it rejected both the comparison of the JCPOA to the Treaty of Turkmenchay and its characterization as a great conquest. It simultaneously praised the negotiators' efforts while criticizing some of their oversights (characterization). Prior to the U.S. withdrawal from the Deal, this narrative viewed the Deal as acceptable and valuable, benefits that were subsequently lost (emplotment). Conclusion: Although the Success narrative initially prevailed over the Failure narrative by presenting a plausible story with appropriate discursive power and portraying the opposing narrative as lacking alternative initiative, the Failure narrative gradually gained ground. By leveraging its structural power and depicting the JCPOA as an incomplete and detrimental agreement, it aligned with the Intermediate narrative, ultimately marginalizing the Success narrative.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104782_7d7cedd2da42ca551b7aa5d383861e92.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 Transcendental wisdom: the nature of political action Transcendental wisdom: the nature of political action 85 103 104783 10.48308/piaj.2024.235624.1531 FA Mohammad Pezeshgi Associate professor Department of Political Philosophy, Research Center for Political Thought and Sciences, Islamic Sciences and Culture Academy, Qum, Iran 0000-0001-9527-1484 Journal Article 2024 05 09 Extended Abstract Introduction: hikmaht-e mutaāliyah (Transcendent Philosophy) is a branch of Islamic philosophy where the foundational concept is "the primacy of existence" (Asālat al-Wujūd). This concept serves as a meta-language for the entire philosophical framework, acting as the underlying principle governing all issues, claims, theories, and arguments within this system. The primary goal of this article is to explain the nature of "political action" in accordance with the meta-language of the primacy of existence. In this existential explanation, it is demonstrated that political action becomes one with the "self" of the actor, and it is this unity of political action with the "self" that gives it meaning. Methods:The method employed in this article is an existential explanation. Existential explanation is a type of philosophical reasoning consistent with the meta-language of the primacy of existence, wherein human phenomena are explained by referring to the ontological characteristics of the individual or collective "self." In this article, based on this explanatory method, the process of political action—from the initial intention of creation by an actor or the collective consensus of political actors to its ultimate realization in human life—is explained based on the inherent needs of these actors. Moreover, the meaning of political action is examined according to the individual intention or collective purpose of the political actor. Results and discussion: The first result of this article is that political action is an institutional action. Therefore, it has three characteristics: stability, continuity and homogeneity. This is because political action, following the intention of the actor or the collective consensus of actors, permeates the individual or collective "self" of the actors. The second result of this article is that from the perspective of the meta-language of the primacy of existence, every political action is considered an "expanded existence" of individual action. By "expanded existence," it is meant that political action, with a singular existence, manifests in the individual actions of all political actors. The plurality of actors and their individual characteristics do not conflict with the existential unity of political action. As a result, in a political interaction, each of the political actors, in addition to their individual existence, has a transpersonal and common existence with other political actors. It is this expanded and shared existence that is the subject of political action, distinguishing it from individual action. Another result of this article is that political action is a meaningful phenomenon from the point of view of the primacy of existence. The meaningfulness of political action lies in uncovering the hidden meaning within it and conveying that meaning to others. Thus, political action, from an existential perspective, is akin to speaking. Just as speaking reveals the hidden meaning in one's mind and communicates it to the mind of the listener, political action, in existential explanation, relates to something real and true, which is the uncovering of the inner intentions of the political actor(s). Conclusions: Political action, due to its stability, continuity, and homogeneity, becomes part of the actor's existence and realizes their existential status. Political action derives its meaning from its connection to the "self" of the actor, obtaining this meaning from individual intentions and collective consensus. Furthermore, collective political interaction among actors leads to the formation of a political identity. Extended Abstract Introduction: hikmaht-e mutaāliyah (Transcendent Philosophy) is a branch of Islamic philosophy where the foundational concept is "the primacy of existence" (Asālat al-Wujūd). This concept serves as a meta-language for the entire philosophical framework, acting as the underlying principle governing all issues, claims, theories, and arguments within this system. The primary goal of this article is to explain the nature of "political action" in accordance with the meta-language of the primacy of existence. In this existential explanation, it is demonstrated that political action becomes one with the "self" of the actor, and it is this unity of political action with the "self" that gives it meaning. Methods:The method employed in this article is an existential explanation. Existential explanation is a type of philosophical reasoning consistent with the meta-language of the primacy of existence, wherein human phenomena are explained by referring to the ontological characteristics of the individual or collective "self." In this article, based on this explanatory method, the process of political action—from the initial intention of creation by an actor or the collective consensus of political actors to its ultimate realization in human life—is explained based on the inherent needs of these actors. Moreover, the meaning of political action is examined according to the individual intention or collective purpose of the political actor. Results and discussion: The first result of this article is that political action is an institutional action. Therefore, it has three characteristics: stability, continuity and homogeneity. This is because political action, following the intention of the actor or the collective consensus of actors, permeates the individual or collective "self" of the actors. The second result of this article is that from the perspective of the meta-language of the primacy of existence, every political action is considered an "expanded existence" of individual action. By "expanded existence," it is meant that political action, with a singular existence, manifests in the individual actions of all political actors. The plurality of actors and their individual characteristics do not conflict with the existential unity of political action. As a result, in a political interaction, each of the political actors, in addition to their individual existence, has a transpersonal and common existence with other political actors. It is this expanded and shared existence that is the subject of political action, distinguishing it from individual action. Another result of this article is that political action is a meaningful phenomenon from the point of view of the primacy of existence. The meaningfulness of political action lies in uncovering the hidden meaning within it and conveying that meaning to others. Thus, political action, from an existential perspective, is akin to speaking. Just as speaking reveals the hidden meaning in one's mind and communicates it to the mind of the listener, political action, in existential explanation, relates to something real and true, which is the uncovering of the inner intentions of the political actor(s). Conclusions: Political action, due to its stability, continuity, and homogeneity, becomes part of the actor's existence and realizes their existential status. Political action derives its meaning from its connection to the "self" of the actor, obtaining this meaning from individual intentions and collective consensus. Furthermore, collective political interaction among actors leads to the formation of a political identity.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104783_c24c53f1f953fafbfd285afaf9fffd3d.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 A theoretical research in Freedom policy A theoretical research in Freedom policy 104 127 104802 10.48308/piaj.2024.236045.1547 FA Kioomars Ashtarian Associate Professor of Public Policy, University of Tehran, Tehran, Iran 0000-0003-2739-1104 Journal Article 2024 06 15 In this article, I elaborate a theory of “freedom as a path”. Although the theoretical basis of the article is based on John Dewey's theory of social learning as planning, it put forward new arguments in terms of requirements for a policy of freedom in Iran. I argue, paradoxically, that freedom could not be (and should not be) defined. It has to be considered as a "commitment to a vague concept of freedom" for building an undefined future. Freedom is not an aim in itself, as it was in Iran since Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 115 years ago. At first, freedom is a path that a person finds the meaning of his life. Freedom is not a static and definable concept, but a dynamic and fluid concept depending on the individuality and the context. Second, this individual meaning of freedom depends on the society and the historical context. The argument of this article consists of the vagueness and path, and its consequences for the policy of freedom. Considering freedom as a path simultaneously solves several intellectual problems: it resolves the issue of balance of power by acceptance of superiority, which means it avoids extreme relativism because it accepts simultaneously norms, reason, and power. In this path, individuals merit based on their source, their talent, their capacities, etc. It also solves the problem of judgment. We cannot “judge” the degree of freedom of a society based on the norms of the other societies. It depends on the readiness of a community to commit to a “goodness of a vague notion of freedom” to live together. It is somehow an intellectual maturity of humans. As a result, what is achieved is an agreement for living together; that is a “policy of freedom”. The concepts and definitions of positive and negative freedom are in conflict with "freedom as a way". The path basically assigns the state of freedom to the situations, to the power, to the norms, to the wealth and resources of the actors involved. If we define freedom, we cannot see it as a path. T This article is an essay. It is an analytical, interpretive or critical literary composition that deals with a freedom concept from a limited and personal perspective. Meanwhile the arguments of this article are supported by existing literature. In this way, we have modeled the method of Isaiah Berlin in his famous work "Four Essays on Freedom". (Isaiah Berlin, 1969) In addition, I approach to the question of freedom as a “wicked problem” which necessitate a process oriented, interactive, and constructivist approach to solve the problem of freedom. Thus, one cannot use a predefined notion of freedom as a basis for the "policy of freedom". In this article, we use expressions such as "we Iranians", "Iranian society" and the like. Such terms lack "scientific accuracy"; We are aware of this. However, a general ruling cannot be issued for such matters, because although no general ruling will ever include "all" Iranians, it cannot be "completely" rejected and quantitatively or qualitatively confirmed. It is obvious that we do not mean to issue such rulings in absolute terms. But what is meant by these rulings is a "dominant tendency" or "general trend" among a significant number of Iranians, which can be considered as a source for issuing political action based on experience and expert agreement or on the basis of expert conscience and reasoning. It is not necessarily a cause for a political action. In this article, I elaborate a theory of “freedom as a path”. Although the theoretical basis of the article is based on John Dewey's theory of social learning as planning, it put forward new arguments in terms of requirements for a policy of freedom in Iran. I argue, paradoxically, that freedom could not be (and should not be) defined. It has to be considered as a "commitment to a vague concept of freedom" for building an undefined future. Freedom is not an aim in itself, as it was in Iran since Iranian Constitutional Revolution, 115 years ago. At first, freedom is a path that a person finds the meaning of his life. Freedom is not a static and definable concept, but a dynamic and fluid concept depending on the individuality and the context. Second, this individual meaning of freedom depends on the society and the historical context. The argument of this article consists of the vagueness and path, and its consequences for the policy of freedom. Considering freedom as a path simultaneously solves several intellectual problems: it resolves the issue of balance of power by acceptance of superiority, which means it avoids extreme relativism because it accepts simultaneously norms, reason, and power. In this path, individuals merit based on their source, their talent, their capacities, etc. It also solves the problem of judgment. We cannot “judge” the degree of freedom of a society based on the norms of the other societies. It depends on the readiness of a community to commit to a “goodness of a vague notion of freedom” to live together. It is somehow an intellectual maturity of humans. As a result, what is achieved is an agreement for living together; that is a “policy of freedom”. The concepts and definitions of positive and negative freedom are in conflict with "freedom as a way". The path basically assigns the state of freedom to the situations, to the power, to the norms, to the wealth and resources of the actors involved. If we define freedom, we cannot see it as a path. T This article is an essay. It is an analytical, interpretive or critical literary composition that deals with a freedom concept from a limited and personal perspective. Meanwhile the arguments of this article are supported by existing literature. In this way, we have modeled the method of Isaiah Berlin in his famous work "Four Essays on Freedom". (Isaiah Berlin, 1969) In addition, I approach to the question of freedom as a “wicked problem” which necessitate a process oriented, interactive, and constructivist approach to solve the problem of freedom. Thus, one cannot use a predefined notion of freedom as a basis for the "policy of freedom". In this article, we use expressions such as "we Iranians", "Iranian society" and the like. Such terms lack "scientific accuracy"; We are aware of this. However, a general ruling cannot be issued for such matters, because although no general ruling will ever include "all" Iranians, it cannot be "completely" rejected and quantitatively or qualitatively confirmed. It is obvious that we do not mean to issue such rulings in absolute terms. But what is meant by these rulings is a "dominant tendency" or "general trend" among a significant number of Iranians, which can be considered as a source for issuing political action based on experience and expert agreement or on the basis of expert conscience and reasoning. It is not necessarily a cause for a political action.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104802_c6620037ef9dc2dddc3c88c2a36c351a.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 Understanding identity in the thought of Charles Taylor and Dariush Shayegan Understanding identity in the thought of Charles Taylor and Dariush Shayegan 128 150 104810 10.48308/piaj.2024.235446.1520 FA Meysam Nazari PhD candidate of Political Science, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran Mansour Mirahmadi Chenarouiyrh Professor of Political Science, Department of Political Science and International Relation, Faculty of Economics and Political Science, Shahid Beheshti University, Tehran, Iran Journal Article 2024 04 23 Extended Abstract Introduction: What is identity? Concisely, identity tells us who we are and creates a connection between the past, present, and future; and it has a meaningful characteristic. Identity is one of the centric and yet controversial concepts that have occupied the minds of many political and social thinkers and scholars. The aim of this article is to establish a form of dialogue between Shayegan and Taylor about the issue of identity and self-understanding: what points does Shayegan enumerate to Taylor, and what insights does Taylor offer to Shayegan. Based on this, we will seek to answer these fundamental questions in this article: what understanding and perception of identity have Shayegan and Taylor offered? And following this question, what teachings and ideas do these two thinkers offer for understanding the concept of identity? Methods: Since this article pursues the achievement of a correct understanding of identity, we tried to explain the two concepts of identity and bricolage identity in Shayegan and Taylor's thought by presenting a conceptual framework. A deep understanding of these keywords provides the basis for a correct understanding of the ideas and thoughts of these two thinkers. Results and Discussion: Shayegan and Taylor, have made great efforts in their works to answer the question of what identity is. One has discussed the issue of identity in the traditional and Eastern world, while the other has explored the modern world and the formation of modern identity. These teachings can be formulated in the form of five components: the first component is understanding identity in the form of a story and narrative; Both thinkers try to connect the past, present and future in the form of a perception, narrative, or story of the “Self” (individual or collective). The second component is understanding the identity in an in-between state. This position shows the person in a situation where he is caught in the middle of two patterns of understanding the world or two ways of life. The third component is the understanding of identity in communication and dialogue with others; and following that, the transformability of identity. The fourth component is to propose the concept of complex identity or hybrid identity. The fifth component is their emphasis on the role and importance of moral foundation, great values, and basic teachings of traditions and religions in shaping and constructing identity, and our understanding of ourselves. Conclusion: The reason for the significance and focus on the issue of identity lies in the fact that: in order to understand many of the social and political events and transformations in the contemporary societies, we need to behold these changes from the perspective of identity. Although numerous works and articles have been written about identity and self-understanding, addressing various aspects of this issue, identity is fluid and ever-changing, necessitating continuous reflection and contemplation. Shayegan and Taylor, as two prominent contemporary identity researchers, have provided profound knowledge and a comprehensive form of understanding identity and self-understanding in their works, which carries important clues and teachings for comprehending the issue of identity. Extended Abstract Introduction: What is identity? Concisely, identity tells us who we are and creates a connection between the past, present, and future; and it has a meaningful characteristic. Identity is one of the centric and yet controversial concepts that have occupied the minds of many political and social thinkers and scholars. The aim of this article is to establish a form of dialogue between Shayegan and Taylor about the issue of identity and self-understanding: what points does Shayegan enumerate to Taylor, and what insights does Taylor offer to Shayegan. Based on this, we will seek to answer these fundamental questions in this article: what understanding and perception of identity have Shayegan and Taylor offered? And following this question, what teachings and ideas do these two thinkers offer for understanding the concept of identity? Methods: Since this article pursues the achievement of a correct understanding of identity, we tried to explain the two concepts of identity and bricolage identity in Shayegan and Taylor's thought by presenting a conceptual framework. A deep understanding of these keywords provides the basis for a correct understanding of the ideas and thoughts of these two thinkers. Results and Discussion: Shayegan and Taylor, have made great efforts in their works to answer the question of what identity is. One has discussed the issue of identity in the traditional and Eastern world, while the other has explored the modern world and the formation of modern identity. These teachings can be formulated in the form of five components: the first component is understanding identity in the form of a story and narrative; Both thinkers try to connect the past, present and future in the form of a perception, narrative, or story of the “Self” (individual or collective). The second component is understanding the identity in an in-between state. This position shows the person in a situation where he is caught in the middle of two patterns of understanding the world or two ways of life. The third component is the understanding of identity in communication and dialogue with others; and following that, the transformability of identity. The fourth component is to propose the concept of complex identity or hybrid identity. The fifth component is their emphasis on the role and importance of moral foundation, great values, and basic teachings of traditions and religions in shaping and constructing identity, and our understanding of ourselves. Conclusion: The reason for the significance and focus on the issue of identity lies in the fact that: in order to understand many of the social and political events and transformations in the contemporary societies, we need to behold these changes from the perspective of identity. Although numerous works and articles have been written about identity and self-understanding, addressing various aspects of this issue, identity is fluid and ever-changing, necessitating continuous reflection and contemplation. Shayegan and Taylor, as two prominent contemporary identity researchers, have provided profound knowledge and a comprehensive form of understanding identity and self-understanding in their works, which carries important clues and teachings for comprehending the issue of identity.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104810_8fc4169382c2ce27ac9aa7e4eddf7787.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabaei Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabaei 151 174 104803 10.48308/piaj.2024.235867.1545 FA Mojtaba Ghaderi Master's student of Islamic Studies and Political Sciences of Imam Sadiq University (peace be upon him). Hossein Ghasemi PhD student of Islamic Studies and Political Sciences of Imam Sadiq University (peace be upon him) Mohammadsadegh Nosratpanah Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Faculty of Islamic Studies and Political Science, Imam Sadiq University, Tehran, Islamic Republic of Iran Journal Article 2024 05 30 Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period. In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization". Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period. In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization". Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period. In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization". Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period. In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization". Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period. In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization". Using Skinner's intentional method, the present research considers the publication of the articles "Walayat and Za'amat in Islam" and "Ijtihad and Taqlid in Islam and Shia" by Allameh Tabatabai as his speech act in the 1340s, with the aim of formulating the theoretical plan of philosophy. Allameh Tabatabai's politics and understanding of his intention from the publication of these articles has been organized. This research, by answering the question "What is the plan of Islamic government and religious authority in the political philosophy of Allameh Tabatabai?", by examining the contextual (social-historical) and textual conditions (published articles), compares his plan with other thinkers of this period. In the end, it is clear that Allameh Tabatabaei formulates the relationship between the people and the organization of the province by rationally proving the necessity of the Islamic government and the guardianship of the jurist in the age of occultation. The findings of the research show that his intention with this action was "the rational and philosophical stabilization of the social and political system of religion, centered on the formation of the province organization".

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104803_5bef5493308eecee2669676964caab3a.pdf

Shahid Beheshti University Political and International Approaches 1735-739X 16 2 2024 08 22 Achievements and Requirements of Teachers' Guild-Political Activism (2010s) Achievements and Requirements of Teachers' Guild-Political Activism (2010s) 175 203 104784 10.48308/piaj.2024.235402.1519 FA Heidar Shahriari Assistant Professor, Political Sociology, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran Ehsan Balaghi Inanloo PhD Candidate, Political Science, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Shiraz University, Shiraz, Iran Journal Article 2024 04 17 Extended abstract Introduction and Purpose: The teachers' guild-political activism in the 2010s is not only considered as a new phase in the history of their guild-political activism, it has also various aspects and traits such as non-violence, high participation, inclusiveness and continuity which significantly distinguished it from their past activism and even that of other social groups. The main purpose of this research is to assess the achievements of teachers' guild-political activism in the 2010s and the requirements of their activism. Although their requirements and their achievements are different aspects of their guild-political activism, these aspects are correlated: the former (requirements) advances the latter (achievements). Method: Since this research deals with two separate but interrelated questions (i.e. it assumes that the requirements are the foundation of achievements) and it also assesses the achievements through quantitative method and the requirements through qualitative method, thereby, the data analysis method is a mixed method: multi-level mixed method. The achievement data was collected through semi-open interviews (8 closed questions and 8 open questions) with 30 teachers' guild-political activists, and then the average of all interviewees' responses (based on the Likert scale) in each item has been analyzed. The requirement data has also been collected through library and qualitative method, and finally, by placing all the data together, a final analysis has been concluded. Findings: The findings of the research indicate that among the eight significant professional-political achievements of teachers (both in-guild and out-guild), the most important achievements, in order, are the approval of the teacher ranking plan, the strengthening of solidarity and cohesion, the importance of the existence of the profession and its associated structures, and setting an example for other organizations. Their most important requirements have been, also, strategic unity, promotion of the civil-legal trainings of their activism, the continuity of their guild membership process, making the educational system accountable and education policies more efficient. Among 8 items of their guild-political achievements, the approval of rating plan with 4.16% is the highest average and the improvement of living conditions is the lowest average with 1.3%. In total, the guild achievements with 70.3% frequency are more important than non-guild achievements with 3.47%. The requirements of teachers' activism, which advance their achievements are as follow: following one strategic unity, promotion of the civil-legal trainings of their activism, the continuity of their guild membership process, making the educational system accountable and education policies more efficient (meritocracy, decreasing the leadership level of government, improving the social dignity of teachers through governance discourse, paying attention to their livelihood policies, paying attention to educational demands, redefining the professional identity of teachers) and recognizing their guild. Conclusion: The achievements or successes of teachers' activism, both in the past and in the future, are dependent on requirements such as making educational policies more efficient through the promotion of some parameters such as meritocracy, decreasing the leadership level of government, improving the social dignity of teachers, paying attention to their livelihood policies, paying attention to educational demands etc., on one hand, and recognizing their associations by political system. Although this research has some deficiencies, it can be a step for future researches regarding other dimensions of teachers' activism, educational issues, socio-cultural development issues and the future researches of various social movements and other guild movements; thereby, this research can lead to a favorable scientific and practical result for better policies through a thematic and methodical survey. Extended abstract Introduction and Purpose: The teachers' guild-political activism in the 2010s is not only considered as a new phase in the history of their guild-political activism, it has also various aspects and traits such as non-violence, high participation, inclusiveness and continuity which significantly distinguished it from their past activism and even that of other social groups. The main purpose of this research is to assess the achievements of teachers' guild-political activism in the 2010s and the requirements of their activism. Although their requirements and their achievements are different aspects of their guild-political activism, these aspects are correlated: the former (requirements) advances the latter (achievements). Method: Since this research deals with two separate but interrelated questions (i.e. it assumes that the requirements are the foundation of achievements) and it also assesses the achievements through quantitative method and the requirements through qualitative method, thereby, the data analysis method is a mixed method: multi-level mixed method. The achievement data was collected through semi-open interviews (8 closed questions and 8 open questions) with 30 teachers' guild-political activists, and then the average of all interviewees' responses (based on the Likert scale) in each item has been analyzed. The requirement data has also been collected through library and qualitative method, and finally, by placing all the data together, a final analysis has been concluded. Findings: The findings of the research indicate that among the eight significant professional-political achievements of teachers (both in-guild and out-guild), the most important achievements, in order, are the approval of the teacher ranking plan, the strengthening of solidarity and cohesion, the importance of the existence of the profession and its associated structures, and setting an example for other organizations. Their most important requirements have been, also, strategic unity, promotion of the civil-legal trainings of their activism, the continuity of their guild membership process, making the educational system accountable and education policies more efficient. Among 8 items of their guild-political achievements, the approval of rating plan with 4.16% is the highest average and the improvement of living conditions is the lowest average with 1.3%. In total, the guild achievements with 70.3% frequency are more important than non-guild achievements with 3.47%. The requirements of teachers' activism, which advance their achievements are as follow: following one strategic unity, promotion of the civil-legal trainings of their activism, the continuity of their guild membership process, making the educational system accountable and education policies more efficient (meritocracy, decreasing the leadership level of government, improving the social dignity of teachers through governance discourse, paying attention to their livelihood policies, paying attention to educational demands, redefining the professional identity of teachers) and recognizing their guild. Conclusion: The achievements or successes of teachers' activism, both in the past and in the future, are dependent on requirements such as making educational policies more efficient through the promotion of some parameters such as meritocracy, decreasing the leadership level of government, improving the social dignity of teachers, paying attention to their livelihood policies, paying attention to educational demands etc., on one hand, and recognizing their associations by political system. Although this research has some deficiencies, it can be a step for future researches regarding other dimensions of teachers' activism, educational issues, socio-cultural development issues and the future researches of various social movements and other guild movements; thereby, this research can lead to a favorable scientific and practical result for better policies through a thematic and methodical survey.

https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_104784_5748c737c15c8435128230431c7209f4.pdf