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<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Shahid Beheshti University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political and International Approaches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-739X</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Future Studies of the Saudi Arabia Rolein the Light of Relations with the United States in the Middle East )2017-2025(;Challenges and Strategies</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Future Studies of the Saudi Arabia Rolein the Light of Relations with the United States in the Middle East )2017-2025(;Challenges and Strategies</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>12</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>34</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">99694</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zahra</FirstName>
					<LastName>Aghamohammadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Isfahan University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Ali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Omidi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Isfahan University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>One year after the establishment of the Saudi regime in 1933, Riyadh and Washington have constructed a strategic alliance between themselves. This unique relationship has continued so far with some fluctuations (2018). Meanwhile, there have been some signals in the US foreign policy in the Obama and Trump eras which indicates some changes in the US Middle East policy. The trends such as lowering Washington&#039;s dependence on Saudi oil and the American political shift from the Middle East to East Asia indicate that the future of Washington&#039;s relations with Saudi Arabia may change dramatically. The question posed in this article is how we can assess the future of Saudi Arabia and the United States alliance in the Trump era (assuming Trump`s election for the second term) and what the probable scenarios are for Saudi Arabia to play in the Middle East in the future. The hypothesis is that US foreign policy under the Trump administration has less human rights and democratic concerns and so long as Saudi Arabia is acting in favor of US grand strategy in the Middle East, their alliance will not change. Therefore, the strategic alliance of Riyadh-Washington will continue with more assuming security costs by Riyadh. Furthermore, in the most optimistic way, Saudi Arabia will play the role of the regional king following the great king (US) as well as the swing state strategy. This is a descriptive-analytic research based on Randall Schuler&#039;s theory of &quot;balance of interests.&quot;</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">One year after the establishment of the Saudi regime in 1933, Riyadh and Washington have constructed a strategic alliance between themselves. This unique relationship has continued so far with some fluctuations (2018). Meanwhile, there have been some signals in the US foreign policy in the Obama and Trump eras which indicates some changes in the US Middle East policy. The trends such as lowering Washington&#039;s dependence on Saudi oil and the American political shift from the Middle East to East Asia indicate that the future of Washington&#039;s relations with Saudi Arabia may change dramatically. The question posed in this article is how we can assess the future of Saudi Arabia and the United States alliance in the Trump era (assuming Trump`s election for the second term) and what the probable scenarios are for Saudi Arabia to play in the Middle East in the future. The hypothesis is that US foreign policy under the Trump administration has less human rights and democratic concerns and so long as Saudi Arabia is acting in favor of US grand strategy in the Middle East, their alliance will not change. Therefore, the strategic alliance of Riyadh-Washington will continue with more assuming security costs by Riyadh. Furthermore, in the most optimistic way, Saudi Arabia will play the role of the regional king following the great king (US) as well as the swing state strategy. This is a descriptive-analytic research based on Randall Schuler&#039;s theory of &quot;balance of interests.&quot;</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">The USA</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">Saudi Arabia</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Alliance</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Balance of Interests Theory</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Middle East</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_99694_578572ec339489862b624983d2264a99.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Shahid Beheshti University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political and International Approaches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-739X</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Assessment of Performance and Position of the Mainstream Media in the Socialization of BARJAM )Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action( )Keyhan, Hamshahri and Etemad Newspapers(</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Assessment of Performance and Position of the Mainstream Media in the Socialization of BARJAM )Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action( )Keyhan, Hamshahri and Etemad Newspapers(</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>35</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>60</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">99700</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Marzie</FirstName>
					<LastName>Rafa’ti</LastName>
<Affiliation>Azad
University, Branch of Science and Research</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Abdolali</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghavam</LastName>
<Affiliation>Shahid Beheshti University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Zahra</FirstName>
					<LastName>Kharazi Mohamadvandi Azar</LastName>
<Affiliation>Islamic Azad University, Branch of Science and Research</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Khalil</FirstName>
					<LastName>Mirzayi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Islamic Azad University, Roodehen</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>The purpose of this study is to investigate the position and performance of the mainstream media (Kayhan, Etemad, and Hamshahri newspapers) in sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The main question of this study is whether these media have taken steps in the reflections of their news to promote sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The research method is combinatory (quantitative and qualitative content analysis) and data collection is conducted with a targeted approach. The results of the research indicate the imperfect process of sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in the field of notifying and reporting the news, given that the Kayhan newspaper completely covered the headlines and the news in the negative direction, and the Hamshahri has also taken a completely neutral approach. In the meantime, the only daily newspaper that has been relatively positive towards sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is Etemad. On the other hand, the manner of coverage, the type of approach to the news in these three media, was less analytical and had the most serious aspect of news and information, rather than the educational approach and leading role.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">The purpose of this study is to investigate the position and performance of the mainstream media (Kayhan, Etemad, and Hamshahri newspapers) in sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The main question of this study is whether these media have taken steps in the reflections of their news to promote sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). The research method is combinatory (quantitative and qualitative content analysis) and data collection is conducted with a targeted approach. The results of the research indicate the imperfect process of sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in the field of notifying and reporting the news, given that the Kayhan newspaper completely covered the headlines and the news in the negative direction, and the Hamshahri has also taken a completely neutral approach. In the meantime, the only daily newspaper that has been relatively positive towards sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) is Etemad. On the other hand, the manner of coverage, the type of approach to the news in these three media, was less analytical and had the most serious aspect of news and information, rather than the educational approach and leading role.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Sociability of Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA)</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Parsons Functionalis</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Public Domain of JCPO</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Power (authority)</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Framework Making</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Agenda Setting</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">General Media Exchange</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Mainstream Media</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Alternative Media</Param>
			</Object>
		</ObjectList>
<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_99700_59fbd3d05fd154024a0c00a2dcd28647.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Shahid Beheshti University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political and International Approaches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-739X</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Revolution and Social Movements: A New Narrative</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Revolution and Social Movements: A New Narrative</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>61</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>89</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">99704</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Arash</FirstName>
					<LastName>Reisinezhad</LastName>
<Affiliation>Florida International University and Post-Doctoral Researcher at Shahid Beheshti University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Social movements and revolutions have been at the core of the politics and attracted many eyes and thoughts. While much ink has been spilled on the emergence, dynamics, and outcomes of these phenomena, there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of their major driving force(s). Such an unfortunate poverty is no more obvious than in an analysis of the recent movements in the Middle East, known also as the Arab Spring. From this perspective, the present study is an attempt to explain major forces shaping emergence, dynamics, and outcomes of social movements and revolutions. Therefore, the paper will accomplish this mission by combining new concepts of Collective Identity, Cultural Opportunity, Meaning Production, Ideology and Framing, Enemy Recognition with more mainstream ones of Political Opportunity, Mobilizing Networks, and Movement Strategy.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Social movements and revolutions have been at the core of the politics and attracted many eyes and thoughts. While much ink has been spilled on the emergence, dynamics, and outcomes of these phenomena, there has been a theoretical void in the explanation of their major driving force(s). Such an unfortunate poverty is no more obvious than in an analysis of the recent movements in the Middle East, known also as the Arab Spring. From this perspective, the present study is an attempt to explain major forces shaping emergence, dynamics, and outcomes of social movements and revolutions. Therefore, the paper will accomplish this mission by combining new concepts of Collective Identity, Cultural Opportunity, Meaning Production, Ideology and Framing, Enemy Recognition with more mainstream ones of Political Opportunity, Mobilizing Networks, and Movement Strategy.</OtherAbstract>
		<ObjectList>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">: Political Opportunity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Mobilizing Networks</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Strategy</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Collective Identity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Cultural Opportunity</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Meaning Production</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Ideology</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Framing</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Enemy Recognition</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_99704_50560b4068625caa73895b3f586db001.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Shahid Beheshti University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political and International Approaches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-739X</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Internal Critique of the Theoretical Coherence of the Political Thought of Seqat-ol-Eslam Tabrizi about the Conflict Between Religion and Freedom</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Internal Critique of the Theoretical Coherence of the Political Thought of Seqat-ol-Eslam Tabrizi about the Conflict Between Religion and Freedom</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>90</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>112</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">99707</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Narges</FirstName>
					<LastName>Soori</LastName>
<Affiliation>Tehran University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Sara</FirstName>
					<LastName>Shariati Mazinani</LastName>
<Affiliation>Tehran University</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Freedom in the constitutional era was established as one of the rights of the nation in the constitutional amendment. But the short-term deployment of freedom in Iran&#039;s society did not last long, which was faced with a crisis of religious legitimacy. This crisis, along with other socio-political structural barriers that existed, resulted in the decline of freedom with the claim of religious illegitimacy. In the face of this crisis, the pro-constitutional scholarstrend sought to rethink the relation of religion and freedom, and in general the relation of religion and constitution to theorize a coherent theory to give religious legitimacy to this new political foundations. Seghato al-Islam Tabrizi is one of the main figures of this trend. In his political treatises, he makes an effort to light on the project of legitimizing constitutionalism and freedom. This article tries to examine the theological arrangements provided by Saghato al-Islam in order to solve the conflict between the religion and freedom and the inner coherence of his theoretical plan. The theoretical approach taken to study the present problem is an analysis that Tocqueville offers of the religion and freedom ratio in the book of “democracy in America”.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Freedom in the constitutional era was established as one of the rights of the nation in the constitutional amendment. But the short-term deployment of freedom in Iran&#039;s society did not last long, which was faced with a crisis of religious legitimacy. This crisis, along with other socio-political structural barriers that existed, resulted in the decline of freedom with the claim of religious illegitimacy. In the face of this crisis, the pro-constitutional scholarstrend sought to rethink the relation of religion and freedom, and in general the relation of religion and constitution to theorize a coherent theory to give religious legitimacy to this new political foundations. Seghato al-Islam Tabrizi is one of the main figures of this trend. In his political treatises, he makes an effort to light on the project of legitimizing constitutionalism and freedom. This article tries to examine the theological arrangements provided by Saghato al-Islam in order to solve the conflict between the religion and freedom and the inner coherence of his theoretical plan. The theoretical approach taken to study the present problem is an analysis that Tocqueville offers of the religion and freedom ratio in the book of “democracy in America”.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">freedom</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Crisis of Religious Legitimacy</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Secularization</Param>
			</Object>
			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Sanctification</Param>
			</Object>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_99707_c53996a379b63d6fb63fc5c8827d1c55.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Shahid Beheshti University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political and International Approaches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-739X</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Micro-utopia in Contemporary Political Philosophy</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Micro-utopia in Contemporary Political Philosophy</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>113</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>131</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">99690</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad Taghi</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ghezelsofla</LastName>
<Affiliation>University of Mazandaran</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Political philosophy, in spite of its importance in contemporary times, has been criticized for reasons such as abstract approach or other environmental factors. In recent decades, congregations, neo-pragmatists and postmodernists have each criticized the utopian and unrealistic approach of the past political philosophy and defending the necessity of rethinking and adopting the modern components. Based on this condition, this article wants to answer the question of &quot;what are the coordinates of contemporary political philosophy&quot;? The hypothesis is that political philosophy has removed its utopian character which means it has come close to the theory of &quot;life and practice&quot; instead of the &quot;theory of truth&quot;. Some of the utopian features are, according to the conditional-state situation, pragmatic rotation, the practice of dialogue, and also the focus on the category of justice. The present article is in the critical normative framework and written in an analytical-descriptive manner.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Political philosophy, in spite of its importance in contemporary times, has been criticized for reasons such as abstract approach or other environmental factors. In recent decades, congregations, neo-pragmatists and postmodernists have each criticized the utopian and unrealistic approach of the past political philosophy and defending the necessity of rethinking and adopting the modern components. Based on this condition, this article wants to answer the question of &quot;what are the coordinates of contemporary political philosophy&quot;? The hypothesis is that political philosophy has removed its utopian character which means it has come close to the theory of &quot;life and practice&quot; instead of the &quot;theory of truth&quot;. Some of the utopian features are, according to the conditional-state situation, pragmatic rotation, the practice of dialogue, and also the focus on the category of justice. The present article is in the critical normative framework and written in an analytical-descriptive manner.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Micro-utopia</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Political Philosophy</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Normativism</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Dialogue</Param>
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			<Param Name="value">justice</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_99690_965f0efa4cc616ff5eae1e25338d81c3.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
</Article>

<Article>
<Journal>
				<PublisherName>Shahid Beheshti University</PublisherName>
				<JournalTitle>Political and International Approaches</JournalTitle>
				<Issn>1735-739X</Issn>
				<Volume>9</Volume>
				<Issue>4</Issue>
				<PubDate PubStatus="epublish">
					<Year>2019</Year>
					<Month>02</Month>
					<Day>20</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</Journal>
<ArticleTitle>Persistent Components of Iranian Identity after the Arab Invasion</ArticleTitle>
<VernacularTitle>Persistent Components of Iranian Identity after the Arab Invasion</VernacularTitle>
			<FirstPage>132</FirstPage>
			<LastPage>159</LastPage>
			<ELocationID EIdType="pii">99697</ELocationID>
			
			
			<Language>FA</Language>
<AuthorList>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mosaddegh</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ganjkhanlou</LastName>
<Affiliation>Tehran University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Hamid</FirstName>
					<LastName>Ahmadi</LastName>
<Affiliation>Tehran University</Affiliation>

</Author>
<Author>
					<FirstName>Mohammad</FirstName>
					<LastName>Bigdeli</LastName>
<Affiliation>Azad Islamic University, Zanjan</Affiliation>

</Author>
</AuthorList>
				<PublicationType>Journal Article</PublicationType>
			<History>
				<PubDate PubStatus="received">
					<Year>2018</Year>
					<Month>12</Month>
					<Day>22</Day>
				</PubDate>
			</History>
		<Abstract>Political philosophy, in spite of its importance in contemporary times, has been criticized for reasons such as abstract approach or other environmental factors. In recent decades, congregations, neo-pragmatists and postmodernists have each criticized the utopian and unrealistic approach of the past political philosophy and defending the necessity of rethinking and adopting the modern components. Based on this condition, this article wants to answer the question of &quot;what are the coordinates of contemporary political philosophy&quot;? The hypothesis is that political philosophy has removed its utopian character which means it has come close to the theory of &quot;life and practice&quot; instead of the &quot;theory of truth&quot;. Some of the utopian features are, according to the conditional-state situation, pragmatic rotation, the practice of dialogue, and also the focus on the category of justice. The present article is in the critical normative framework and written in an analytical-descriptive manner.</Abstract>
			<OtherAbstract Language="FA">Political philosophy, in spite of its importance in contemporary times, has been criticized for reasons such as abstract approach or other environmental factors. In recent decades, congregations, neo-pragmatists and postmodernists have each criticized the utopian and unrealistic approach of the past political philosophy and defending the necessity of rethinking and adopting the modern components. Based on this condition, this article wants to answer the question of &quot;what are the coordinates of contemporary political philosophy&quot;? The hypothesis is that political philosophy has removed its utopian character which means it has come close to the theory of &quot;life and practice&quot; instead of the &quot;theory of truth&quot;. Some of the utopian features are, according to the conditional-state situation, pragmatic rotation, the practice of dialogue, and also the focus on the category of justice. The present article is in the critical normative framework and written in an analytical-descriptive manner.</OtherAbstract>
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			<Param Name="value">Political Philosophy</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Normativism</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">Dialogue</Param>
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			<Object Type="keyword">
			<Param Name="value">justice</Param>
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<ArchiveCopySource DocType="pdf">https://piaj.sbu.ac.ir/article_99697_8e3bba6c28a5c7d4cef5a2648294c311.pdf</ArchiveCopySource>
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